WHO KILLED KARKARE? THE REAL FACE OF TERRORISM IN INDIA
SM Mushrif
Pharos Media (www.pharosmedia.com), New Delhi
Pages: 319
Price: Rs 300/ USD 25
Reviewed by KHAN YASIR
Abraham Lincoln, once said, “We may deceive some of the people all of the time or all of the people some of the time, but we cannot deceive all of the people all of the time.”
This Lincolnian phenomenon has been finally vindicated in Indian scenario when the notorious cat of Hindutva terrorism came out of the bag after nearly a century, 1893 to be precise, according to the author’s research. Who Killed Karkare? is a research work of SM Mushrif, former IGP Maharashtra. The subtitle of the book is vocal enough to state the objective behind the work: “The Real Face of Terrorism in India”. Mushrif has worked in communally sensitive and hyper sensitive areas since his joining the police service in 1976 until 2005 when he took a voluntary retirement to concentrate fully on social work.
Having wide experience in police service and in scrutinising problems not in isolation but in the pretext of communal history of India and sociology and mob psychology, he concluded very early in his life that there is no genuine misunderstanding between Hindus and Muslims of India. Whatever communal tension is there is the result of a conspiracy, shrewd and mischievous, to achieve some ulterior motives.
Conspiracy theories, though less believed, gain wide publicity. Abundance of conspiracy theories makes it a lot difficult to identify the true ones as throng of fake beggars makes it difficult for common people to identify and help the ones really in need. But Mushrif’s ‘conspiracy theory’ is not a new addition. Secular scholars, some police experts, media especially Urdu media and analysts with eyes wide open are already concerned about rising paces of Hindutva terrorism. Investigations led by Hemant Karkare in Malegaon blast and their emerging leads into several other blasts gave substance to these hypotheses.
The speciality of Mushrif’s book is that, unlike others, its author does not stop at only picking out holes in police theory but goes on to offer his alternative theory and fearlessly pinpoints the real culprits on the basis of facts and evidences, which are all before us or at least before the police forces which refuse under duress to follow the apparent clues to take them to their logical conclusions.
‘BRAHMINIST TERRORISM’
According to the author, Hindu or even Hindutva terrorism is not the appropriate word to describe the phenomenon and christening it with this name only serves the purpose of real culprits. He asserts that real culprits are only a microscopic minority of Brahmins whom the author refers to as Brahminists. They want to maintain their dominance over the whole society. In fact, their dominance has been intact since the pre-historic times and smoothly passed through Mughal and much of the British periods. It was only in late 19th century that common Hindus ‘suffered’ a jolt of awakening. Ideas and activism of Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Jyotiba Phule found a reverberating echo among the masses and a real threat to the Brahminist domination was apprehended. To divert the attention of the masses from the Brahminists’ exploitation they cultivated seeds of notorious communalism and founded a rift between Hindus and Muslims.
The author particularises the year 1893 as beginning of this sinister policy and traces its history through the independence struggle till the very Gujarat pogrom in 2002. He also pinpoints the venom that RSS is spreading through its innocuously named institutions. He named 29 such institutions and acknowledges the deadly impact of Brahminist ideology: “Even if a reformist movement has progressed up to 80 per cent in a particular area, the Sangh Parivar can bring it back to square one merely by engineering a communal riot.” As then the Hindus forget everything else and rally around Brahminist forces which portray themselves as ‘Hindu’ organisations (p. 29).
This strategy of communal riots paid dividends for more than a century but now after the Gujarat riots people started to question. They sensed that misunderstandings between the two communities are not natural but are sinisterly fabricated for some ulterior motives. Fingers were pointed towards Sangh Parivar and it became obvious that any further pursuit of this strategy will prove counter productive. Thus their portentous minds came up with yet another strategy to establish a Brahminist Rashtra masqueraded as Hindu Rashtra to deceive the common Hindus and extract their maximum support. This was the strategy of bomb, Islamic bomb – terrorism, Islamic terrorism.
The author describes their sinister designs: “Their plan was to cause a series of bomb blasts in the country and blame them on Muslims with the help of their sympathisers in IB. Thereafter a section of the media would create a chaotic situation which would facilitate their take over of the country” (p. 12).
Diffusing this myth of the Islamic bomb, the author exclaims: “Hundreds of Muslim boys were being arrested after every bomb blast in the country, the blasts had not stopped but after the arrest of the real terrorist in Malegaon blast case of 2008, they have almost completely stopped” (p. 12).
Mushrif also substantiates that RSS, soon after its inception, decided to take over two important institutions viz. media and intelligence, which were capable of moulding the public opinion. Unfortunately, it proved very much successful. After this, he goes on explaining how communalism dug itself deep within Intelligence Bureau (IB) and its disastrous impact on Indian society, particularly the treatment of government and common Hindus towards Muslims. He quotes DGP KS Subramanian as saying: “A former Secretary of the union home ministry, the first ever Muslim to hold the post, once complained to me that the IB did not show its reports to him. He was the formal boss of the organisation…” to underline the gravity of the situation, and concludes: “…government considers the IB as omnipresent and omniscient and not realising that in course of time it has also become omnipotent and has been controlling all the critical faculties of the government and using them for consolidating the Brahminical system in the country” (p. 26).
This switching of gears happened when IB spread rumours about increased infiltration of terrorists from Pakistan and Bangladesh. Fake encounters were staged. Security of VVIPs was increased due to the assumed threat of ‘Islamic’ terrorism, etc. No one paused to think that all those who are pouring venom on Islam and Muslims like Thackeray, Togadia and Modi remained safe and sound – as no real threat was existing. Or else if terrorists wished they could kill even Mahatma Gandhi, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. The author provides in detail the terrorist activities of RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal, and divulges a saddening reality that retired and serving army officers and senior IB officers also impart training to these Brahminist-organised terror camps.
Detailed description of these terror camps and other terrorist activities (including blasts from March 2000 till April 2009) has been comprehensively enumerated by the author (pp. 43-52). Several ridiculous but eye-opening incidents like three boys claiming to belong to ‘Jehad e Islami’ and extorting money from people by sending threat letters being arrested in Rampur and turned out to be non-Muslims have been quoted from authentic media sources.
SERIAL BOMB BLAST INVESTIGATIONS
Then he comes to the bomb blasts. Before taking up individual cases, he first tries to identify a common pattern of investigation by IB almost in every blast case. The pattern goes as follows:
Indictment of Muslim outfits and/or persons from the day one.
Even if the local police is investigating on correct lines, the IB virtually takes over the investigation (lest they may not uncover the truth) and imposes its theory to be accepted (local police, after such intervention signs, merely on dotted lines). For example, while investigating into Samjhauta blast case, Haryana police reached Indore but due to the non-cooperation of Madhya Pradesh police at IB’s instance the investigation could not be taken to its logical conclusion as was done later under Karkare.
It is obvious that such fabricated stories will have many loopholes; these gaps are filled by ‘encounters’; from where literally anything on earth ranging from jihadi literature, diaries, detailed future plans, phone numbers and names of associates and handlers, RDX and weapons could be ‘recovered’.
Important clues that could lead to truth are ignored.
Still if some gaps persist, IB feels no shame in alternating the theory that it has propounded earlier.
Establishing and substantiating this common pattern, the author goes on to take up bomb blast cases individually. The cases so analysed includes Mumbai train blast case 2006, Malegaon bomb blast case 2006, Ahmedabad blast and Surat unexploded bombs 2008, Delhi bomb blast case 2008, Samjhauta Express blast case 2007, Hyderabad Makka Masjid blast case 2007, Ajmer Sharif bomb blast case 2007, serial bomb blasts in UP courts 2007, Jaipur blasts case 2008, Nanded blast case 2006, Malegaon bomb blast case 2008 and Mumbai terror event 2008.
Amazingly, his important source of analysis is media reports. His between-the-lines reading of these reports demonstrates how all the truth or at least most of it was produced naked before public eyes but how consummately the public is deceived! He specially relies on media reports generated in first two or three days after the terror events as in his words ‘unofficial censor’ does not operate at that time and so truth trickles down somehow. It is only after some times that IB comes up with a ‘systematic’ theory and media follows suit. Contradictions and earlier true clues are avoided – nobody seems to discuss or even remember them. The author heavily relies on these uncensored media reports – news channels, internet, popular dailies, also their local editions and vernacular newspapers in Marathi, Urdu, etc. – his range is widest possible. He then chases the evidences and critically analyses the charge sheets filed by investigating agencies.
Hundreds of loopholes have been pointed out by him. For example, he says a complain of a woman lecturer saying that she knew one of the terrorists in Mumbai blasts was not taken seriously as the complain was against some Ganesh Khanderao (and not some Ahmed and Muhammad) – no effort was made to verify why the lady was making such a serious accusation.
The author also tries to correlate the blasts with the decision of the tribunal against the continuance of ban on SIMI, and says that it may be an angle of analysis that to provide the ‘strong evidences’ that they lacked against SIMI, Indian Mujahideen was concocted from thin air, which was said to be SIMI’s hard-line version.
Mushrif also analyses the Delhi blast and Batla House encounter. Much has been said and written on the encounter but the author has tried to raise some more questions. He raises the basic question: whether the police knew already that there were ‘terrorists’ hidden in L-18 or were they there for an investigation and were taken by surprise by the terrorists. If they didn’t know, as was claimed, then how Delhi Police Commissioner Dadwal could state confidently within hours that Atif was the ‘mastermind’ behind all the recent bomb blasts, and Sajid was the bomb maker.
He also pinpoints that the behaviour of Atif, Sajid and Zeeshan was not that of showing any guilty conscience. He has shown that they had personally visited the police station and got their credentials verified before acquiring the room on rent. Atif’s driving licence also contained true information. Their SIM cards were also obtained on the basis of their true identities and original documents. Zeeshan, instead of fleeing away after learning of the encounter, surrendered himself before a news channel.
Then the author comes up with some revelations never talked about the slain Mohan Chand Sharma. He says that just a few days ago Sharma was transferred from prestigious special cell of Delhi police to non-descript police training college at Jharoda Kalan – a punishment posting. Sharma did not join the new post but proceeded on leave. After giving this background, the author raises these pungent questions, “What could be the reason for his unceremonious ouster from the special cell? Was there any serious lapse on his part or was it that he knew something which the IB or the Delhi police did not want him to know? In short, he was no longer in good books of the IB and the special cell. Then the question arises as to why was he so urgently called for the operation even though he was on leave” (p. 112).
The author also mentions that during the Hyderabad investigations it was revealed by National Security Guards (NSG) bomb experts that a mix of RDX and TNT was used in Hyderabad blasts and such a mix is commonly used in the armaments in the army. If this aspect could have been pursued at that time several other blasts could have been avoided. Was it just a lapse or some meaningful looking other way policy? In investigations of serial blasts in UP two ‘terrorists’ were produced saying that they were arrested on December 22, 2007 morning and cell phones, HuJI literature, SIM cards, etc. were ‘recovered’ from them. While hundreds of witnesses including family members, and the FIRs filed by them etc. are vocal proof that Khalid was arrested on December 16 and Tariq on December 12, these are not mere allegations but are also corroborated by local media reports. What is the validity of those ‘recovered’ items then?
At the very outset the accidental Nanded bomb blasts was brushed aside as explosion in fire crackers though investigations at snail’s pace went on pointing out that some Mithun Chakraborty had given the training to the deceased persons and also supplied them with explosives. It was also clear that all the deceased were ardent activists of Sangh Parivar. And that Praveen Togadia and his likes ‘motivated’ them. A number of sherwanis, artificial moustaches and beards, Mobile phones, SIM cards and maps of different mosques and other places were also recovered. But the investigation was confined to the locality. When the investigation was handed over to CBI they too avoided deceased peoples’ links with RSS and VHP, avoided any mention of Praveen Togadia, and Bhonsla Military School and other places where such trainings were imparted, instead disclosing the identity of Mithun Chakraborty they did not even mention him as accused, etc.
The writer tries to analyse the cause of these lapses: “One should, however, understand that the abovementioned acts of omission and commission on the part of CBI were definitely not under any political pressure, as both the governments i.e. in the state and at the centre were headed by the Congress party and they were not going to be benefited by favouring the accused who belonged to Sangh Parivar, the mother organisation of BJP, the main opposition party. The only logical conclusion is that the CBI team handpicked by IB, acted under instructions of IB and its Brahminist masters” (p. 167). Hemant Karkare later was bent upon disclosing the identities of Mithun Chakraborty and the former IB officer who imparted training but before he could have done so he was killed.
MUMBAI TERROR ATTACK
After this detailed analysis of the terror events he comes to the Mumbai attack. The author divides the Mumbai attacks into two parts concluding that the Taj-Oberoi Trident part of the Mumbai attack was a reality with terrorists having Pakistan connections but CST CAMA Hospital Rangabhavan Lane episode of the attack is shrouded in mystery. The author concentrates on that later part of the attack and asks the billion dollar question – who killed Karkare?
Was it possible to orchestrate such a big attack without the intelligence sniffing? Any sane person will say – No. But this is not only a commonsensical argument, it is a fact that the author proves not on the basis of some clandestine documents but on the basis of newspaper reports ranging from 1 to 26 of December 2008. He concludes that IB which normally passes on even vague and unspecific information to the authorities concerned, intentionally blocked a very specific and hot intelligence given by US and RAW and did not pass it on to the western naval command which it concerned. Why? This question will prop up in everybody’s mind. Why the IB staked the country’s security? What was more important than the security of the nation? It is the cause of Brahminism – the author laments.
First let’s analyse what was the distinction of the terrorist attacking the CST and CAMA Hospital from other counterparts? First, those terrorists spoke fluent Marathi as reported by two people who talked to them (they also spared one person who informed them that he is Hindu). Secondly, they had the SIM cards having Satara (Maharashtra) connections. Thirdly, terrorists were orchestrated from handlers of Pakistan sitting across the borders through satellite phones; a total of 284 calls were made in 58 hours operation, among which 41 calls were received by gunmen at Taj, 181 by gunmen at Nariman House and 62 by Trident attackers. None of the call was received by CST, CAMA Hospital-Ranga Bhavan Lane terrorists.
In a nutshell, Mushrif concludes that, IB got the intelligence from US that a ship with LeT terrorists is heading towards the shores of Mumbai but it deliberately hid the information from those it concerned most because it had some sinister game plans in mind. To eliminate Hemant Karkare from their way they risked the security of the entire nation and coincided their operation-eliminate-Karkare with the main terrorist attack. Many other important questions have been raised in the book. For example, if attackers at CST were local terrorists then who is Kasab? Was he produced from some ‘reserved stock’? ‘What’s the mystery behind Kasab’s much publicised photograph?’, ‘Why FBI was involved in the investigations?’, ‘What became of the witness who recognised all the terrorists except Kasab?’ etc. Only a close read of the book would give answer to these questions.
One thing that is pretty clear that if Zionists have their lobby in America then we have our own Brahminists here in India – the swadeshi zionists.
MALEGAON BLAST PROBE
The writer laments the fate of Malegaon blast investigations after the cold-blooded murder of Karkare. He highlights the saffronised mindset of Raghuvanshi – the hastily appointed ATS chief, underlines his association with the main accused Purohit and Raikar. Raghuvanshi’s attempts to undo what Karkare did, etc. The charge sheet against the Malegaon accused is a self speaking evidence. For example, Section of the IPC concerned to ‘waging a war on the state’ is missing. This is not a lapse but a deliberate weakening of the case; it is so despite the fact that the charge sheet includes the transcripts of conversation retrieved from Purohit’s laptop in which he remarked, “I have contacted Israel…. We have asked for four things, continuous and uninterrupted supply of equipment and training, second thing allow us to start our office with saffron flag in Tel Aviv, number three, political asylum, number four support our cause in UN that a Hindu nation is born”.
About a meeting with Nepal’s then King Gyanendra he had this to say, “I requested the monarch that his being an independent nation, may ask for AK-47 from Czechoslovakia and I will pay the money and arrange for ammunition. The king has accepted.” In short every possible thing was done to save the main kingpins of Brahminism sacrificing some pawns. High profile Hindutva leaders like Himani Savarkar, Ashimanand Swami, Praveen Togadia, Dr. Sharad Kunte, Professor Deo, Shamrao Apte, Milind Ekbote, Retd. Col. Jayant Chitale etc. have not been made accused in the charge sheet.
It was said after the pogrom of Gujarat 2002 that Gujarat is a Hindutva [read Brahminist] laboratory. But the author disagrees. According to him the real Hindutva laboratory has been Maharashtra since 1893. This reality has also ensconced itself by the recent serial bomb blasts throughout the nation. All the blasts be it Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Delhi or even Mumbai terror event could be traced to Maharashtra not to speak about Nanded, Malegaon etc. In short, much has to be done in the state to maintain its secular fabric and to thwart the communal and fascist designs of the Brahminists.
Mushrif, in the last section of his book, has ‘filed’ a comprehensive charge sheet in the people’s rather readers’ court and has suggested some urgent means to overcome the threat that Brahminist especially Brahminist lobby in the IB and media poses to the nation. He also urges Muslims to come out from their ghettoes of inferiority complex and instead of shrieking what Islam is not like ‘Islam derogates terrorism and Islam is against terrorism’ to confidently unveil the real face of terrorism in India.
The suggestion that political leaders must stop relying on the just one source of intelligence i.e. IB but must create some parallel sources of intelligence is worth paying due attention by our political leaders especially those who talk of their secular credentials. But the million dollar question remains intact: who will dare to bell the cat?