In general, the budget, before and after election is bound to convey different meanings. The configuration and distribution is made accordingly. Before elections, it is generally a populist one, keeping an eye on the target voters. And afterwards, it is presented for financial security with tough measures keeping in view the plight of economy. This budget has come prior to announcement of election dates in a few states. And the nature of the budget is therefore a layman’s guess.
The budget, as many believe, is the reflection of the policy of the government in power, which is gradually leaning close towards ideological policies for the sake of political dividend. The ruling party’s understanding of minorities and prejudiced approach can only be expected to result in a myopic, misjudged and half-hearted budget for the minorities. The undermining of equal distribution in social sectors and deprived sections, including Dalits and minorities and absence of representative budget is an obstacle in the realisation of inclusive growth. The action of the government does not surely match with colloquial fine words and rhetoric of Sab ka Saath Sab ka Vikas.
John Dayal, a renowned social and human rights activist, told Radiance, “The Budget is both a projection and allocation of funds and a political statement of intent. The BJP government has had to swallow a bitter pill in the election year [Assam and Bengal, the biggest states in the East, are to go to the polls in the next three months, together with two important southern states of Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Uttar Pradesh has elections next year]. It is not surprising that Mr Modi has had to find increased funds for Mahatma Gandhi NREGA, and announce a focus on the farmers who have been trying to woo, at least in the cow belt, through his Man Ki Baat.
“But in real hard terms, as Dalit organisations including some of our own have pointed out, their callousness towards Dalits and tribals is apparent in the continuation of old pattern where allocation to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is much below their share of population, and even what was actually spent is much lower than what was budgeted. Though the BJP-led government has announced various measures to celebrate the 125th birth anniversary of B R Ambedkar, it has in reality allotted a mere 11.42% of the total plan spending for the section of society, whereas it should have been 25%. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes account for 16.6% and 8.6% of India’s population as per Census 2011 data.”
Dayal further pointed out, “The budget is also static on religious minorities, especially Christians and Muslims. Anyway, for them, the life and death issue of survival is an end to targeted violence and discrimination in employment. For instance, the national sample survey has shown that unemployment among Christians had more than doubled in recent years. The religious minorities must be taken into confidence in the run up to the budget process, their voice heard and their needs assessed properly. Just talking to a few people, who are seeking office or carrying favours and saying that the people have been heard, leads to such a development crisis.”
The question arises: was there any expectation within the minority community for the kind and volume of share in the Union Budget while the government itself is trying to cease the minority character of educational institutions of minorities, which is guaranteed under our Constitution? And under the prevailing mindset it was naïve to think of mature and representative budget cutting across party lines and keeping on the backburner the ideological posturing.
Dr Taslim Rahmani, president of Muslim Political Council, told Radiance, “We cannot expect any good from a government who has a different definition of the word ‘Minority’ and differentiate between minority communities on the basis of mool wasi and aakarman kaari. A Government which doesn’t want to accord minority status to the minority communities despite Constitutional guarantees cannot give desirable and genuine budgetary allocations.”
The budgetary allocation for minorities this time is Rs 3800 crore as compared to Rs 3712 crore in 2015-16 which is a slight increase. During last term of UPA it was Rs 3,530.98 crore. The allocation for minorities remains more or less the same during the NDA regime as it was during UPA. None of the parties comes out with any long-term plan to improve the condition of minorities. Had they really done so, the Sachar Committee Report would have been different. The Sachar Report is the reflection of the prejudiced attitude of the successive governments towards budgetary allocation for minorities. All the parties should share the blame on their respective parts for pushing the minorities on the brink – socially, politically and economically.
The BJP might claim some credit over the percentage increase in the outlay for minorities but if we compare this with the plight of minorities and their overall status then without an iota of doubt it would turn out to be insignificant. The present allocation is certainly not in proportion to what they aspire to move at par with other groups and communities. Even double the amount or hefty hike may prove to be a drop in the ocean given the plight of the Muslims.
The BJP in its 2014 Lok Sabha manifesto had claimed that it is unfortunate that after six decades of Independence, a bulk of minority, particularly Muslims are in an abject state of poverty and modern India must be a nation of equal opportunity. The party is committed to make all communities equal partners in the growth and progress of the country which cannot be achieved if a community is left behind. On the minority issue the BJP is doing exactly the opposite of what they promised verbally on different occasions as well as in their manifesto.
Furthermore, the Government has reduced funds in some popular social schemes. The Scheduled Caste Sub Plan allocation has decreased from Rs. 43,208 crore to Rs. 30,000 crore. The Tribal Sub Plan has gone down from Rs. 26,714 crore to Rs. 19,000 crore. Expenditure on Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan has come down from 28,000 crores to 22,000 crores only. The Integrated Child Development Scheme has been reduced from 16,000 crores to 8,000 crores. Mid-Day Meal Scheme slashed from 13,000 crores to mere 9,000 crores.
Out of the allocated budget for minorities last time by the present government only 38 per cent of the total allocated amount was spent. One can hardly find any evidence of total utilisation of funds allocated by all governments in power. Therefore no government can claim high moral ground when we talk of minorities. The minorities too should do all in their capacity instead of depending entirely on the government and political parties. They have done what they could do but it is too little too late.