The 6-hour “transit visit” of the Iranian President has produced more hope than hype in South Asia, compelling the West-Asian Capitals also to look beyond immediate requirements and strive for durable peace in the volatile region.
What has to be noted here is: the “core issue” was not the real issue i.e., 2,600 Km long pipeline, estimated to cost $7.5 billion. It is secondary. The priority position had been occupied by Iran’s morally sound stand that it was legitimately determined to acquire nuclear energy for peaceful, constructive purposes.
The motives of the US were not honest but suspect. At the end of the day, it came out that the US had no case at all. As regards the core and real issues, the Iranian President has asked for at least 45 days for a positive, clearer perspective. It means by the second week of June, we can expect pristine-pure good news.
BENEFIT OF DOUBT
The fruitful visit took place at Mr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s admirable initiative. Although the visit’s backdrop of two successive votes against Iran at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)-2005 & 2006, brought under sharper focus New Delhi’s loss of face, yet the extraordinary magnanimity of the aggrieved party did not allow the situation to worsen.
In fact, it was the proverbial benefit of doubt that came to New Delhi’s rescue. Since the very beginning, Tehran had been giving the impression: may be it was unbearable pressure of the “bully” (read the United States) that forced Bharat to act in the manner it did.
India’s Left support to the Iranian standpoint was from the most unexpected quarters.
In the meantime, to the pleasant surprise of one and all, Indian External Affairs Ministry developed spine and had the gumption to tell the United States in unambiguous terms that now New Delhi was in a position to take decisions irrespective of Washington’s displeasure. Mr. Ahmadinejad publicly lauded this statement of our Foreign Office. The nation too has heard a sigh of relief at the sudden discovery of self-respect and self-esteem, that had got sufficiently eroded earlier. For example in September, Mr. Richard Boucher had asked India to “explain what is and what is not going on in relations with Iran, as we are upfront in our relations with other countries like India.”
Last week, New Delhi received US “instructions” to ask this and that from the Iranian President, to which Mr. Pranab Mukherji appropriately retorted: the US could not arrogate to itself the right to determine whether Iran’s nuclear programme was peaceful or not. To quote him: “It is not for me or for Iran to certify… it is for the IAEA to convince themselves whether (Tehran’s programme) is peaceful.”
Reacting strongly to US State Department Deputy Spokesman Tom Casey’ observation, the External Affairs Ministry spokesman said India could do without any guidance in the matter.
SITUATION CHANGING
The observers of Islamic diplomacy understand now there is better appreciation of the hideous face of America, both by the Arabs and non-Arabs. Now on the other hand, Iran does not talk of the export of Shia revolution to the Sunni Gulf. The young, conservative leadership of Iran also gives the impression it consciously plays down sectarian and jurisprudential differences.
After the release of the NIE report, Russia has dispatched its first consignment of nuclear fuel to Iran. China has decided to develop Yadavaron oil field. Japanese investment is on way to Tehran. Amidst this “warm” atmosphere, New Delhi stands isolated like sore thumb expressing its concern for security.
By the way, does Bharat feel insecure in Central Asia?
America’s post-Cold War decline is in evidence everywhere.
The significantly encouraging signs on the West Asian horizon, that have not escaped observers’ notice, are the ones like Saudi Monarch’s “Look East” policy. Just after the last conference of the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council, Riyadh took the positive step of inviting Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to its annual summit in Doha. King Abdullah led him by the hand to the conference – a rare gesture of solidarity between the two regional stalwarts. Add to it Mr. Saud el-Feisal’s low-key, but graceful persuasive attitude towards Tehran.
Mr. Ahmadinejad – mark it – is on record to have underscored the necessity of collective security arrangements with Iran’s neighbours.
Hypocrisy as a state policy has been repeatedly disappointing the Arabs. Now Iranian leaders have been inviting the Gulf Arabs to invest in Iran, in real estate particularly.
STARK TRUTH
The stark truth is that now after the public, official admission of the US intelligence agencies (NIE), the United States has no case at all against Iran, as it had no case against Iraq also. Cast a dispassionate glance at the Islamic world, its independent 57 countries, their sheer weightage which is more than one-fifth of mankind. Politically, Saudi Arabia and Iran are the only countries that can deliver. The 22-nation Arab League has already endorsed Mr. Abdullah bin Abdullah’s plan regarding the resolution of the Palestine problem. Noises notwithstanding, America will not allow this plan to succeed as peace does not pay to its godfather, Israel. Let the current salubrious ambience of mutual-cooperation that we see in various theatres, be consolidated. For practical purposes, let the ties not remain confined to bilateralism alone. Sky should be the limit.