A UAE court sentenced 57 Bangladeshi nationals to prison for demonstrating in solidarity with student protesters in Bangladesh. Three received life sentences, 53 were sentenced to 10 years each, and one was sentenced to 11 years for “gathering and inciting riots.” They will be deported to Bangladesh after serving their sentences. Unauthorized protests are prohibited in the UAE, as are actions that offend foreign states or jeopardize their relations. Normally, the Gulf emirate is unaffected by any turmoil abroad. So, something extraordinary must have triggered such a show of solidarity by Bangladeshi expatriates in the UAE. What is happening in Bangladesh? Why are the students protesting there? Will these protests turn into a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh?
The genesis of these protests lies in the controversial quota system introduced in 1972 by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (known as the Father of the Nation). The quota system, which includes a 30% reservation for the descendants of freedom fighters, has been a contentious issue for years. It was intended to honor those who fought in the 1971 Liberation War. However, over the years, this quota has been criticized for being manipulated to favor the Awami League cadre and the allies of the current government.
The origins of the quota-reform movement can be traced back to a smaller anti-quota movement in 2018. The Bangladesh High Court dismissed a petition on March 8, 2018, challenging the legality of the quota system, which had been in place since the early 1970s. Following this, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Shaikh Hasina announced that she would uphold the quota for descendants of liberation war veterans, an emotional issue for her as it was established by her father, Sheikh Mujib. This declaration sparked significant student protests.
In response to the agitation, Ms. Hasina abolished all quotas in the Bangladesh Civil Service through an executive order, surprising students who only sought reform, not abolition. It was evident that if freedom fighters lost their quota, no one else would have one. Over the next two years, despite numerous discussions, Ms. Hasina maintained her decision, and the executive order became effective in 2020.
On June 5, 2024, the Bangladesh High Court overturned Ms. Hasina’s executive order, reinstating all quotas in the civil service. This judicial action followed an appeal by a descendant of a freedom fighter and six others. The government then appealed to the appellate division of the Supreme Court. With the court restoring the quota system, mandating a 30% quota for descendants of freedom fighters, the student protests started afresh. The Supreme Court’s appellate division issued an order to pause the High Court’s decision until the government’s appeal was fully heard. Ms. Hasina urged students to let the appellate division complete the hearing, but there was uncertainty about the judiciary’s final decision. Students demanded that the Prime Minister consult them and other stakeholders to create and implement an inclusive quota system through an executive order. They believed that if Ms. Hasina could abolish the quota system in 2018, she could also establish a new one as per their demands.
During a court hearing by the appellate division, the Bangladeshi Prime Minister called those opposing the quota for freedom fighters’ families ‘razakars,’ or traitors. This angered the students, leading them to demand an apology and occupy public squares. The situation worsened when police and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) cracked down on students, with accusations that the ruling Awami League used its student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League to attack the protestors. On July 1, student protests intensified across the country. By mid-July, the situation had deteriorated dramatically, leading to military intervention. The government accused the protesters of being manipulated by opposition parties and labeled them as anti-national.
The government then ordered a brutal crackdown on student protesters. Students were not only shot and killed in the streets but also crushed under police vehicles. Special forces and the army were deployed, marking a severe escalation against the youth of the nation. This violent suppression has been described as one of the worst episodes of slaughter in Bangladesh’s history, with more than 160 officially killed and thousands injured. On July 18, the government imposed a nationwide internet blackout and a curfew, further suppressing information and communication.
Facing relentless pressure, the Supreme Court preponed its hearing and ruled on July 21, 2024, to reduce the quota system to just 7%, with 5% reserved for the descendants of freedom fighters and 1% each for ethnic minorities and disabled and transgender individuals. This ruling marked a significant victory for the students, who forced the government to bow to their demands.
However, the students are demanding that the Prime Minister accept responsibility for the student killings and publicly apologize. Police officers at the sites of the killings must be sacked. Those who attacked the students and those who instigated the attacks must be arrested. The kith and kin of those killed and injured should receive compensation. The pro-government student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League, should be banned from student politics, and a new student union established. All educational institutions and halls of residence must be reopened, with guarantees that no harassment of protesters will occur.
The current unrest is not just about the quota system but a broader struggle for democracy in Bangladesh. The students are fighting against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule, which has seen the consolidation of power, suppression of opposition, and control over key institutions. The January 2024 elections, marked by allegations of widespread fraud and suppression, only exacerbated these tensions. Students have a long history of leading movements in Bangladesh, from the language movement in 1952 to the Liberation War in 1971, and the anti-military rule protests in 1991. Today, they are once again at the forefront, not just for quota reform but for the future of democracy in their country.
However, students and those who wish to see the return of true democracy to Bangladesh must tread a cautious path. The protests should not be about identity politics, which can create divisions and conflicts within a society.
In Bangladesh, the divide between “muktijudhho” (freedom fighters) and “razakars” (traitors from 1971) has contributed to current political polarization along secular and religious lines. This polarization benefits the government which uses it to entrench itself using the “divide and rule” policy. It also enables political leaders to exploit these divisions and trigger violence along ideological lines. The state can then crackdown on the violence and incarcerate its political opponents. Will the protests act as a catalyst for restoring genuine democracy in Bangladesh? Only time can tell.