Data collection through census or any other means has always been a welcome exercise. But its sole purpose should be to strengthen the idea of India, to add more feathers to our concept of India which is unity in diversity and ultimately for the welfare of the people. For political reasons or otherwise, or for snooping we have a plenty of data available in various forms which have been used by our political leaders time and again.
In India, we have seen massive policy programmes and welfare schemes based on caste configuration but there has been no sincere effort to collect caste-based data. Historically, from 1951 to 2011, India published data on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Notably, every Census until 1931 had data on caste. We do hope that caste census in Bihar will be used for social welfare, uplifting the weaker, marginalized and minorities in the state and create resonance for a similar kind of demand in the entire country where social motives should dominate over political arithmetic.
After caste census, on 3 October, the Bihar government announced a 10 percent reservation for the Economically Weaker Sections (EWSs) in both judicial services and state-run law colleges and universities.
Abusaleh Shariff, executive director, US-India Policy Institute, Washington DC, who had played a key role in preparing the Sachar Committee report, said, “With debate on caste census gains momentum after caste census in Bihar, talk on EWS quota has also started and now our prime minster is saying that Muslims have also a share in the EWS quota. At the time when EWS quota was announced by the Central government, prime minster never said anything on the share of Muslims in it. When some scholars and we raised the issue of Muslims in the EWS quota, thereafter our prime minster started saying about it. It is being said so because it is a ploy to exclude Muslims from the OBC quota.”
He further said, “I believe that Muslims should only be in the OBC quotas. Muslims should not be in the EWS quota because Muslim children are supposed to compete with high caste non-Muslims within the EWS quota. How can Muslim students who are from the weaker sections and deprived will be able to compete with Brahmins and upper caste Hindus. In such competition, Muslims will not get even 1 percent out of 10 percent.”
He observed, “We want that there should be 4.5 percent quota for Muslims in EWS quota and therefore there should be a sub quota for Muslims in EWS quota which is our first major concern. Prime minister has started to talk about Muslims in the EWS quota before elections and to my mind it is just an illusion and nothing else.”
Shariff pointed out, “Out of the total EWS population, 45 percent are of general Muslims. In OBC survey some Muslim groups have been included. As per Sachar Committee, it is more than enough to be only Muslims for systemic bias, forget about caste or class in Muslim groups. All Muslim groups, whether of lower or upper caste and class are subjected to systemic bias. It is therefore the Most Backward Category is only applicable in Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh because of the past traditions. In Bihar, Muslim OBCs are more inferior to Hindu OBCs. The difference between Hindu OBC and Hindu MBC is far greater than Muslim OBC and Muslim MBC. There is less difference between Muslim OBC and Muslim non-OBC. But there is great difference between Hindu OBC and Hindu MBC. There is substantial difference between overall Muslim OBC and Hindu OBC.”
On the way forward, he said, “Therefore, in terms of income some Muslims can be excluded but the rest of Muslims with income certificate should be included in OBC quota. The Central government earlier announced 10 percent EWS quota. Out of that, 4.5 percent should be reserved for Muslims because 60 percent of Muslims are not covered under OBC quota, whereas 55 percent of non-Muslims are covered under it. That is why 4.5 Percent EWS Quota should be legally assigned for Muslims.”
Ravikant Kisana, in his article, “Bihar Caste Census’ Impact Goes Beyond Polls: It Can End the Modi Consensus,” (The Quint, 6 October), has reasonably argued, “Most experts are considering this a watershed moment in postcolonial Indian politics. Indeed, this may be the end of the era that future assessments may as well call the ‘Modi consensus’ wherein the fissures of social identity and contradictory regional, class, and caste interests were subsumed under a muscular nationalist identity of Hindutva expansionism centered around Islamophobia, Pakistan-bashing, and rapidly Brahminising political and legal institutions and social structures under the disingenuous guise of ‘decolonising’.
On the caste census of Bihar, Afroz Alam, Professor and head of the Department of Political Science MANNU Hyderabad, said, “The most anticipated caste census, a first in many decades, is a testimony to the state’s commitment to transparency, data-driven governance, and social equity. The census provides an empirically grounded snapshot of Bihar’s societal structure. It reflects not just numbers, but the lived realities, aspirations, and challenges of its diverse population.”
On how it can serve the purpose, Alam said, “Armed with this fresh data, Bihar can tailor its policies to better serve its citizens. Be it in education, employment, or welfare, policies can now be more targeted and effective. While the release of the caste census report is commendable, it’s crucial to use this data judiciously. There’s a fineline between using data for social welfare and unintentionally reinforcing divisive identities. It’s hoped that Bihar will navigate this path with sensitivity and vision.”
Praveen Rai, a Political Analyst at the CSDS, Delhi, while sharing his perspective, said, “The caste census conducted in Bihar and the public debates around its findings reveal more political undertones rather than a genuine quest for furthering the discourse of social justice. The real politics behind the survey seems to be dictated by reasons:
One, the caste enumeration showed that OBCs comprise 63 percent of the population in the state while reservations for it are only 27 percent in central government jobs. Nitish Kumar, facing an existential crisis after a major drubbing in the assembly elections, is shrewdly playing this card to rally back the lost support base of his party among the OBCs and rebrand himself as the new champion of the downtrodden and oppressed castes.
Two, the demand for national caste census and affirmative action for higher reservations for the OBCs based on proportional representation by several parties can become an emotive political issue that could trump Hindutva politics and bring I.N.D.I.A to power in 2024. In such scenario, Nitish Kumar will become a strong contender for the PM’s Post and fulfil his long-standing aspiration of occupying the highest political office of India.
Rai adds: “However, the killing of two birds with one stone by the Bihar CM can create differences and weakness among the opposition alliance as most parties will try to take credit and appropriate it for furthering its electoral interests. Further, the unity of backward castes and communities has disintegrated since Mandal politics of 1990s as the sociopolitical milieu of the country has witnessed drastic changes. The individual’s monetary burden and quest for economic prosperity far outweighs the community’s passionate pursuit of social justice, thereby reducing the chances of witnessing Mandal 2.0 moment in new India.”
On 6 October, the Supreme Court adjourned the hearing of a batch of pleas challenging the constitutionality of the caste-based survey conducted by the Bihar government till January 2024. Notably, the court refused to pass any order of stay or status quo to restrain the State from acting on the caste survey data.
The Government of India generally takes pride while announcing 27 percent OBC, 10 percent EWS reservation in medical seats from all-India quota, but one may wonder why it is in denial mode on the demand for the caste-based census nationally. For the welfare of people, a caste-based census should become a reality at the national level after caste-based census in Bihar.