Before delving into the details and background of what took place in Washington last Thursday under the title “Board of Peace Meeting,” it is essential to point to the main factor that originally led to the “ceasefire declaration,” and later to what was called the “peace plan”: Israel’s complete failure to achieve the central objective of its war of extermination against the Gaza Strip.
Had it not been for the heroic steadfastness of Gaza’s residents and the overwhelming majority’s insistence on remaining in their homeland despite brutal killing and destruction, the US would not have shifted to “Plan B” after Israel failed to implement “Plan A.”
The first Board of Peace meeting produced three tracks: political, security, and reconstruction.
Unfortunately, Israel was present at the meeting and on the board, even though its Prime Minister is wanted as a war criminal by the International Criminal Court. Palestine, however, was not represented.
The security issue appeared to be the most ambiguous topic at the conference. Discussion revolved around forming a transitional police force of five thousand new recruits to be trained by Egypt and Jordan, yet no mention was made of the fate of the existing police structures.
Critical and potentially dangerous questions were avoided: Will the stabilisation force have policing duties, or any role related to what was termed “disarmament”? Will the occupying army withdraw, and if so, when and according to what timetable? When will this force begin deployment, and who will guarantee that the Israeli army halts its bombardment and military operations in Gaza? If the occupation army withdraws to the buffer zone, where will the peacekeeping force be stationed – on the Israeli border, or inside Gaza behind the buffer zone?
Perhaps the most alarming security-related statement was a slip of the tongue by the U.S. President, who said that “two countries wanted to attack Hamas, and we said that was not necessary.” Logically, those two countries must have been present at the Peace Council meeting. Who are they, and by what right do they participate in the council while seeking to assume the role of the occupation army in the Gaza Strip?
The third axis of the meeting was reconstruction. It was mentioned that several countries, including UN institutions, pledged seven billion dollars, while the U.S. President pledged ten billion dollars, subject of course to approval by the U.S. Congress.
However, major dilemmas surround reconstruction. First, Gaza will require no less than sixty to seventy billion dollars – where will the remaining funds come from? Second, those who pledged contributions, including Arab states, did not promise immediate payments but rather funding spread over the coming years. Third, no one mentioned the necessity of compelling Israel to pay compensation, even partially, for the vast destruction it caused – at the very least to deter future repetitions of devastation, which has occurred five times, most severely after 2023. Fourth, there was no reference to allowing Palestinians to begin investment in and operation of Gaza’s offshore gas field, estimated to be worth sixty billion dollars, which could help cover reconstruction costs and provide a source of electricity to a Strip that has been deprived of power for more than two years. Fifth, perhaps most troubling, reconstruction is set to begin in Rafah, an area levelled by Israel, rather than immediately addressing the needs of more than two million residents suffering from destroyed infrastructure, electricity, water, and sewage networks.
Even more concerning is the mention that reconstruction will focus on Rafah and the coastal strip. Does this effectively allow Israel to maintain occupation and control over the entire eastern part of Gaza? Will reconstruction serve foreign real estate investors, or the people of Gaza themselves? Will the promised billions end up in the pockets of investors, or support the steadfast survival of Gaza’s residents who have endured what mountains themselves could not bear?
Many questions remain unanswered.
[by Marwan Barghouti in Al-Araby Al-Jadeed]
Compiled and translated by Faizul Haque