Overall, the celebrations in Syria appeared simple and fluid in character, with the notable exception of the significant military parades staged by the new Syrian army, which pointed to a major achievement by the military institution. These were preceded by a display of modern police vehicles as part of what was described as the Ministry of Interior’s “new visual identity.”
The celebrations were marked by popular motorcades and a dense display of national flags – the Syrian flag with its three stars. It was noted, however, that some convoys raised the flag of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, which was puzzling given that the group has been dissolved and its members integrated into the new national army. This may reflect what Defence Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra had previously described as the need for greater discipline.
It had been hoped that the celebrations would assume a political character through a presidential address outlining the contours of the next phase and emphasising the unity of land and people, national sovereignty, and a state founded on citizenship and national cohesion. Instead, this was replaced by a brief, mobilising celebratory speech. A political dimension could also have been reinforced by the participation of figures representing political currents and social and civil forces in the main celebration, signalling that the new system aligns, in the broadest sense, with the widest possible spectrum of political, intellectual, and social forces in the country. This is precisely what Syria needs at this critically important transitional moment. That, however, did not occur.
In many countries, national celebrations are accompanied by important decisions with a positive impact on the public, announced on the occasion itself. The author had expected the first anniversary of the change (liberation) to coincide with the opening of the new parliament. Although elections, conducted through electoral bodies rather than direct popular voting, were completed several weeks earlier, they have yet to be finalised by the president’s appointment of one-third of the members (70 seats) to address representation gaps and ensure broader popular legitimacy. Opening parliament on this occasion would have signalled that Syria had entered a new phase and that the legislature represented the first fruit of national representative institutions. This did not happen. Indeed, news of the parliament is largely absent from the public sphere and from the limited media outlets, suggesting an unjustified delay.
While broad segments of the public agree that the new system has demonstrated high competence and impressive dynamism in foreign policyleading to the lifting of a large portion of sanctions and the initiation of Washington’s procedures to suspend the Caesar Act, thereby raising significant hopes, near-daily Israeli violations represent a grave challenge. They threaten Syrian sovereignty, raise fears of further territorial encroachment, and seek to destabilise the country. This issue warrants focused political and diplomatic effort at the present stage, following successes in building improved relations with regional and international actors and major global centres of influence.
The repeated Israeli incursions, which did not cease even during the celebrations, conveyed troubling messages to wide segments of the public regarding the country’s security and stability, both now and in the future, especially amid Israel’s attempts to tear apart the national and social fabric. There is no need to reiterate statements about Syria’s current inability to engage in military confrontation with a brutal aggressor; this is well understood. What is needed instead is the mobilisation of political and diplomatic resources to forge strong relationships and solid understandings with influential states, so as to convey that Israeli violations threaten political and strategic balances in the region, beyond their immediate and long-term dangers to Syria and Syrians. This calls for a multilateral effort to halt Israel’s dangerous recklessness against Syria, as well as against Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon.
[by Mahmoud Al-Rimawi in Al-Araby Al-Jadeed]
Compiled and translated by Faizul Haque