Communal Violence in Manipur and Haryana on the Eve of G-20 Summit The world is watching what is happening in Manipur and Haryana

Japanese PM’s visit to Guwahati was cancelled after violent anti-CAA protest in December 2019, Delhi was communally rocked during then US President Donald Trump’s trip to India in February 2020 and now Manipur and Haryanaare in the grip of largescale violence ahead of G-20 Summit scheduled on September 9-10, 2023. The BJP government consciously chose…

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Soroor Ahmed

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Japanese PM’s visit to Guwahati was cancelled after violent anti-CAA protest in December 2019, Delhi was communally rocked during then US President Donald Trump’s trip to India in February 2020 and now Manipur and Haryanaare in the grip of largescale violence ahead of G-20 Summit scheduled on September 9-10, 2023. The BJP government consciously chose this year for G20 Presidency as Lok Sabha poll was due in 2024. The plan was to make a political capital out of this event. But it is feared that the whole exercise may backfire as the global media is taking full notice of what is happening in Manipur and Haryana, opines Soroor Ahmed

Largescale communal violence in Manipur and Haryana on the eve of G-20 Summit on September 9-10,Hindu-Muslim riots in North-East Delhi when US President Donald Trump was very much in the NationalCapital in February 2020 and the cancellation of India-Japan Summit in December 2019 in Guwahatifollowing widespread protest against enactment of Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) by All Assam Students Unionare incidents which got global media coverage and brought bad name to India.

The enactment of now largely forgotten CAA and preparation of National Registerof Citizen (NRC) were essentially steps taken by the Bharatiya Janata Party-led central government keepingin mind the North Eastern states. The objective was to facilitate the granting of Indian citizenship torefugees of six communities – barring Muslims – who had come from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistanbefore December 31, 2014.

Three years and a half later, the scenario is totally different. Instead of giving citizenship to anyHindu, Christian, Sikh, Jain, Buddhist and Jew from the above three Muslim-dominated countries theeffort now is to stop infiltration from the neighbouring Myanmar to the Indian state of Manipur.Not only that, security forces are even flushing out the alleged illegal migrants from Myanmar.

Though apparently it started as tribal versus non-tribal clashes in Manipur on May 3, the quarrel soon

acquired communal overtone as Meiteis are overwhelmingly Hindus while Kukis (16%) and Nagas (24%) areChristians. In all 41.39 per cent Hindus, 41.29 per cent Christians and 8.40 per cent Muslims live inthis state. Muslims are categorised as Meiteis and live in the Imphal Valley. In fact, the first Chief Minister of Manipur was Mohammad Alimuddin in early 1970s.

Today Muslims are not involved in the bloody conflict, which is soon going to enter its 100th day.Tragically, there is no sign of normalcy returning to the state in the near future.

ANTI-CAA MOVEMENT

Though it is Shaheen Bagh in Delhi which hogged the limelight for over three months, that is betweenDecember 13, 2019 and March 24, 2020, when the lockdown was imposed, it was in Assam and other NorthEastern states that the first protest against the CAA-cum-NRC was registered. Guwahati, the largest cityof North-East, witnessed largescale violence and led to the killing of several people. It was led bynone else but the same All Assam Students’ Union, the students’ wing of Asom Gana Parishad, thealliance partner of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. AASU came up in 1980s when it launched a movementdemanding ouster of outsiders from Assam.

It was on December 15-17, 2019 that a Summit was going to take place in Guwahati between PrimeMinister Narendra Modi and his then Japanese counterpart, (now late) Shinzo Abe. Japan was supposed toannounce investment worth `13,000 crore in North East. Guwahati was decorated like a bride.

But the widespread rioting spoiled the party, forcing the government to cancel the mega-event. It was asort of diplomatic embarrassment. The situation remained so tense that when Assembly election was heldin Assam in March 2021, that is 15 months later, the BJP bigwigs did not utter any word on CAA duringthe election campaign. Though several BJP leaders called for throwingout the Muslim Bengalis, none ofthem talked about inviting or settling non-Muslim refugees from Bangladesh.

In contrast, they raised the issue of CAA-cum-NRC in the election speeches during the same time in WestBengal Assembly poll. The objective was political. While the Assamese and people of other North Easternstates did not like any refugee, even Hindu Bengali from Bangladesh, those in West Bengal are eager towelcome them.

COMPLEX SCENARIO

Now that the whole issue of CAA-cum-NRC has been put on the backburner by the BJP, another problemhas come to haunt the entire region. As Christians numerically dominate neighbouring Mizoram, Nagalandand Meghalaya and are almost equal in number in Manipur, the scenario is verycomplex. Till sometimesback nobody had ever imagined that Hindus and Christians would come face to face in such a way.

Curiously, Mizoram is going for election at the end of 2023. What is more, in all the four above-mentioned states, as well as Assam, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh, the BJP is either in power or are analliance partner in the government.With Lok Sabha poll due in coming summer, it would be a testing time for the saffron brigade.

MANIPUR VIOLENCE

Ironically, the development in Manipur came immediately after Prime Minister Narendra Modi tried tomake an overreach to Christians. The rioting started on May 3, that is just 24 days after his visit toSacred Heart Cathedral in Delhi on Easter Sunday (April 9) and nine days after his April 24 roadshowin Kochi in Kerala, where he tried to win over the Christian community.

The BJP vainly tried to exploit the situation created after the weakening of Kerala Congress, aregional party not to be confused with the Indian National Congress. It is considered a sort of partyof Christians of central Kerala. A couple of leaders of Kerala Congress had resigned on April 22,that is just two days before Modi’s roadshow, andfloated a new outfit called National Progressive Party.Though its leaders rejected the perception that it is soft towards the BJP, independent politicalobservers were of the view that NPP may join the National Democratic Alliance.

Some church leaders had then said that they may support the party which take care of the rubber-growingfarmers of central Kerala.But the horror in Manipur and release of video showing women paraded naked compelled those Christianleaders who were showing signs of tilting towards the BJP to turn its back.

HARYANA VIOLENCE

As if that was not enough, the saffron brigade opened another front in Haryana’s Nuh, Gurugram and

Faridabad districts. All this had happened when the Modi government was busy bracing up to hostGroup of 20 Summit on September 9-10, 2023. The ruling BJP government consciously chose this year forPresidency as Lok Sabha poll was due in 2024. The plan was to make a political capital out of thisevent. But it is feared that the whole exercise may backfire as the global media is taking fullnotice of what is happening in Manipur and Haryana.

The turmoil in Manipur has its impact on the entire region and put a question mark before the Act EastPolicy of the Modi government.