Mohammad Naushad Khan analyses the uproar around the Centre’s ban on sale of cows in cattle markets for slaughter purpose.
People’s perception of cow over the years has remained same but in recent years violence in the name of cow protection has increased. The noble idea of serving the cows at gaushala has diminished while hooliganism in the name of cow protection has surprisingly gone up. The recent ban on sale of cows in cattle market for slaughter purpose by the Centre has divided the opinion not only of people but states as well. And therefore the cow is now in the centre of debate as a ‘federal subject’ and ‘national object’.
Cow as a ‘state subject’ or ‘symbol of nationalism’ is the new emerging political language particularly after UP elections results. Some states have accepted the ban order while some have rejected it, citing it as a purely state subject. Many would argue that cow is a state subject for few states but as an object of nationalism by the centre. Many political analysts argue that the idea behind declaring cow as a national animal may later on catapult into a national political issue while considering its acceptance and rejection by the states. It is only because of its political importance, the nuances of BJP on cow vary from one state to another. But the point that is missing from the debate nationally is the likely impact of the ban economically.
The impact on the economy of livestock which is approximately Rs 3 lakh crore will be very high. During 2002-03, monetary contribution of livestock exceeded that of food grains. It is estimated that Livestock controls close to a quarter of the agriculture gross domestic product (GDP). During 2010-11, it generated outputs worth Rs 3, 40,500 crore, which was 28 per cent of the agriculture GDP and about 5 per cent of the country’s GDP. It is believed that approximately 70 per cent of the livestock market in India is owned by 67 per cent of the small and marginal farmers.
States like Kerala, West Bengal, Karnataka and Tripura have said they will not implement the Centre’s ban on sale of cattle for slaughter through animal market. The Big question is: will the BJP afford to take risk of losing allies in Northeast in the wakeup of the recent ban? There are indications that the centre may go soft on it if we believe what Finance Minister Arun Jaitely has said that the new Central rules regarding cattle sale won’t interfere with state laws. The states opposing the new sale rule have termed it against their federal structure. Madras High Court has already stayed the new cattle sale rule. Meanwhile, the Centre has also indicated that buffaloes may be removed from the no slaughter list.
Faizan Mustafa, Vice Chancellor NALSAR Law University, Hyderabad, in his article in The Hindustan Times, on 1 June, under the heading, ‘The cattle trade ban may not pass the legal test’ has said, “The new rules are a blot to the promise of cooperative federalism. Moreover the rules will have an effect on the freedom of trade and occupation as restrictions imposed by them will fail the test of ‘reasonableness.’ The new rules also attempt to rewrite the ownership law as it prohibits a buyer from selling the animal for slaughter within six months of its purchase. Ownership is a bundle of rights, which includes the right to alienation and even right to destruction. These arbitrary rules, which are not based on any intelligible differentia and have no rational objective to achieve, are likely to be struck down as unconstitutional.”
The debate for and against is becoming shriller by the day. Rajasthan wants cow to be declared as a national animal. The debate is likely to go further from here only to become a national issue before 2019 general elections.
If the issue of beef has divided many in some states, it has also united many in other states, particularly in North Eastern states. Some may consider it to be a dividing factor while many believe it is a uniting factor and unites people through their food habits and taste. In states like Meghalaya, Nagaland, Mizoram beef can be said to be a binding factor because in Meghalaya 81 per cent people consume beef, in Nagaland it is 57 per cent while in Mizoram it is 23 per cent. Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister and BJP leader Pema Khandu, in an interview with Bhupendra Chaubey for CNN-News18, said, “I think the Narendra Modi government is a very sensitive government. Recently I came to know that Venakiah Naidu has given a statement that he will be consulting all the respective state governments and have a re-look into this thing (the notification).” He added that he consumes beef himself and that there is nothing wrong with that. “Not just Arunachal, the northeast as [a] whole is tribal dominated who are mostly non-vegetarian,” Khandu added.
Be it cattle trade, owning slaughter houses and consumption of beef, Muslims have been stereotyped and false perception has been built over the years which has invariably made beef a synonym of Muslims. Or the reflexive word that comes to mind after beef is Muslims. This is in contrast with the figures available on the ground. Many big slaughter houses are run by non-Muslims. Cattle trade is also not in their exclusive domain.
Even the consumption pattern of Muslims is less than that of non-Muslims. According to NSSO, during 2004-05 beef consumption of Muslims was 43.22 per cent. In the same period, beef consumption of other communities was 56.78 which is 13.56 per cent more than that of beef consumed by Muslims. During 2011-12 consumption of beef among Muslims was 41.97 per cent. In the same period, total consumption of beef by other communities was 58.03 per cent which amounts to 16.06 more as compared to that of Muslims. If we simplify it further then in 2004-05 the beef consumption by Muslims was 43.22 per cent, where among Christians it was 36.14 per cent, Buddhists consumed 13.17 per cent, Hindus consumed 1.79 per cent and others 5.68 per cent. During 2011-12 Muslims consumed 41.97 per cent, Christians 26.51 per cent, Buddhists 9.31 per cent, Hindus 1.39 per cent and others 20.82 per cent. These figures point out that Hindus are the 4th largest community consuming beef after Muslims, Christians and Buddhists. Then why this hoopla of ban is all about? Is it religious or simply political?
The ban order is not new, as Seema Chishti, points out in her piece in The Indian Express on 1 June. She claims, “Indira Gandhi, new as Prime Minister, sacked then Home Minister Gulzarilal Nanda, who was also affiliated with the Bharat Sadhu Samaj. After she won the Lok Sabha polls the following year, Indira Gandhi constituted a committee to look into the proposal for a national law to ban cow slaughter. It was headed by Justice A K Sarkar, then recently retired as Chief Justice of India. Incidentally, then RSS chief M S Golwalkar too was a member of that committee, which was given six months to submit its recommendations. The committee never submitted its recommendations and was eventually wound up in 1979 when Morarji Desai was Prime Minister.”
Many would argue that BJP is trying to saffronise India by patronising the cow vigilantes to rule the roost in order to create fear psychosis in the minds of Muslims. By doing so the party is trying to isolate Muslims socially and politically and some of them economically too. It is also trying to make Muslims politically untouchables not only in the eyes of national parties but also among regional parties. BJP is trying to create a perception within regional parties that if you are going to side with minorities then the probability of losing the elections becomes greater. It is hereby important to see how Muslims will play out to remain politically relevant from here onwards.