Demystifying Myths

COMMUNALISM: ILLUSTRATED PRIMER Ram Puniyani Bombay Sarvodaya Friendship Centre, 701, Saninath Estate, Neelam Nagar, Mulund (E), Mumbai: 400 081 2007 Pages: 128 Price: Rs. 60

Written by

KHAN YASIR

Published on

June 18, 2022

COMMUNALISM: ILLUSTRATED PRIMER
Ram Puniyani
Bombay Sarvodaya Friendship Centre, 701, Saninath Estate, Neelam Nagar, Mulund (E), Mumbai: 400 081
2007
Pages: 128
Price: Rs. 60

In existing socio-political scenario, communalism is a burning subject of discussion. Then it is obviously a special area of interest for social scientists. Innumerable papers, presentations and research works have been done on the subject since Bipan Chandra wrote his magnum opus Communalism – A Primer. This time it is Ram Puniyani, an IIT professor turned social scholar, who has come up with his Communalism – Illustrated Primer. The book is not at all any addition to the subject rather it is recapitulation from a different angle. In simple parlance, it is written for the masses – for the common man – for you and me.
Puniyani has written the book in a novel style, in a dialogue format. This format certainly enhances ‘readability’. The author has taken some popular “myths” topic-wise, discussing their fallacies at length.
The book begins with “Demolition of Babri Masjid”, which deals with some widespread myths associated with Babri Masjid such as its being just a ‘disputed structure’, that is not being a place of regular worship. Here the author proves beyond doubt that till 1949 prayers were held until some Hindutva fanatics “installed” idols of Ram and Sita therein. He also criticises the misconception that the demolition was ‘spontaneous’ and describes at length the plans, arrangements, equipment and discipline of the ‘vanguard’ mob, etc. that eventually resulted in (pre-planned) martyrdom of the mosque.
Under the chapter ‘Post Demolition Violence’ he thrashes with full vigour the old retaliation theory propounded by Sangh and Co. that they ‘only’ retaliated to Muslim violence. The author goes on in full flow to corroborate how provocative slogans were raised by mobs led by Hindutva leaders and how newspapers like Saamna aggravated the conditions through their equally provocative headlines and virulent stories. He goes on arguing that the same was true for the riots of Ahmedabad 1969, Bhiwandi-Jalagaon 1970, Tellcherry 1971, Jamshedpur 1979, etc. – all of them were started by communal forces led by Sangh Parivar leaders. Thus he pinned the balloon of the ‘retaliation’ theory – the foremost excuse for ethnic cleansing of Muslims. The author also raised pungent questions over the role of police force: “The police were very supportive to the rioters and Shiv Sena mobs.” (p. 13)
In the chapter, “Godhra Train Burning to Gujarat Carnage,” the author repudiates the possibility of any foreign hand – be it ISI or others – in Godhra incident. He concludes that it all was the handiwork of the kar sevaks themselves as forensic reports established beyond ambiguity that fire was lit from inside. In this chapter also, he makes a mockery of the ‘spontaneity’ of riots: “Also the extensive use of gas cylinders, the lists of Muslim households and business enterprises and import of trucks of swords and dangerous chemicals also point to the fact of extensive planning which went into preparation of this pogrom.” (p. 23)
In a chapter related to “Indian Society,” he refutes the self-proclaimed Hindutva claim that Indian culture is Hindu culture which reciprocally considers Islam and Christianity to be the invasion of foreign cultures. Here he loses no opportunity to underline India’s mixed heritage, blending cultures and unity in diversity. He also denies the claim that Urdu is a foreign language.
In “Communalism Rise and Growth,” Puniyani is unequivocal in refuting the allegation that, “communalism began in this country because of treachery of Muslims.” He also opines on the basis of strong historical evidences that the ‘Muslim” role in the partition of India has been far exaggerated. He is of the view that partition was a ramification of the unending ambitions of the communal triangle that was constituted by (1) Hindu Communalism (ii) Muslim Communalism, and (iii) British Policy of Divide and Rule.
He audaciously reminds the readers that the Two-Nation Theory was presented by Hindutva leaders much before Jinnah. (p. 41)
While discussing ‘Muslim communal politics” he starts with perspicaciously when he jots down Taliban’s stand and mischief of US in the context of Afghan war: “Taliban wanted the proof of Osama’s involvement (in 9/11), and in case proven, offered to hand him over in a neutral country.” But “US decided to attack Afghanistan.” (p. 49) Nonetheless, he does not observe this impartiality when he returns to talk on Muslim communalism in India. Here he argues that “Pakistan that was formed on the basis of religion broke up later in (1971)…. proving that nations cannot be formed on the basis of religion.” (p. 49) He writes that Pakistan, which was formed on the basis of ‘Islam,’ was also run on the same line. If he thinks so, he is wrong as Pakistan was not and is not a true Islamic republic despite having declared to be so. And Bangladesh was separated from it not because of Islam but because of the ‘apartheid’ policy of Sindhis and Punjabis (the dominant sections in governance) towards Bengalis. What is perceived today by “religion” can never run a state. Here lies his misapprehension in considering Islam another religion. Islam is a way of life; it is an ideology which has successfully run a number of states for a thousand years.
Regarding Ulama too his comments are erroneous and conclusions hasty. In other words, the author has fallen prey to the same ‘googly’ which has misled many a secularist working on communalism. That is to prove both sides wrong by hook or by crook. This approach is adopted to get oneself registered as “neutral”. This may well be called erroneous attitude of “Balancing Communalisms”, which is a setback for those who are fighting against communalism. His comments on the myths like “Islam gives rise to terrorism” also need much improvement. Denial of terrorism from authentic sources of Islam (the Qur’an and Sunnah) must be provided besides the mere rhetoric.
Still many of his comments are worth appreciation such as: “Terrorists do not represent any community. They are a cancerous growth on the body of a society” (p. 53) and “As imperialism always needs an ‘external’ enemy to maintain its military complex, Islam and Islamic fundamentalism was given this place by Uncle Sam.” (Ibid)
The part of the book concerned with Hindu Mahasabha and RSS’s role in freedom struggle, is marvellous. As for the myths of “Veer” Savarkar and Vajpayee’s being an ardent freedom fighter or RSS’s “major” role in freedom movement, Ram Puniyani has done his job remarkably. He gave special emphasis on the fact that Gandhiji was murdered cold-bloodedly on the altar of Hindutva by a Hindu fanatic ex-RSS member. With additional references, citations, quotes, cartoons and other features, the author has made the reading an enjoyable exercise.
Under the chapter “Doctoring Mass Consciousness,” the author, with the help of archaeological evidences, explodes several ‘popular’ myths like “Aryans are the original inhabitants of India.” The list also includes myths like “Islam spread on the power of sword,” “untouchability is a creation of Islam,” and “Muslim kings destroyed Hindu temples,” etc. Much relevant, pertinent and important are the boxes that underline the humanitarian policies adopted by Mughal Emperors Babar and Aurangzeb towards Hindus and their temples.
In the chapter related to Hindutva and oppressed sections of society, the author brings forth the true (hidden) policies of the Sangh Parivar towards women, lower castes, labourers, etc. He also thwarts the irrational propaganda that RSS and Ambedkar’s policies are the same towards lower castes. His efforts in obliterating the myths related to “danger” of Muslim population growth and polygamy in the Muslim society are commendable. Going further he even endeavours to present the social, political and economic ground realities of Muslims collectively.
The appendices in the end on the important topics like “Hindutva politics – Historical Genesis,” “Vande Mataram Controversy,” “Terrorism,” and “Civilisation – clash or alliance” add value to the book.
But the chapter “Tasks for Secular Movement” is not as appealing as some other chapters discussed earlier. It seems it was not given the importance it deserved.
The book has potentiality to prove itself as a shield against the unsheathed sword of fraudulent propagandas and concocted myths.