In a dramatic turn of events, the totalitarian regime of Sheikh Hasina, the long-standing leader of the Awami League and the longest-serving female head of state, crumbled unexpectedly on August 5, 2024. The sudden collapse of her government, which many believed was unthinkable, has been likened to the Arab Spring that swept across the Middle East in 2010, toppling authoritarian rulers, one after another. During her regime, Sheikh Hasina had increasingly adopted the heavy-handed, autocratic tactics reminiscent of overthrown Middle Eastern leaders like Tunisia’s Ben Ali, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, and Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi.
The catalyst for this political upheaval was a student-led protest against reserved quotas in government jobs, which began on July 1. The movement gained significant momentum as the Hasina government responded with brutal force, leading to the deaths of at least 450 people, with the official death toll exceeding a thousand. Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus hailed the fall of Hasina’s government as “a second liberation for the people of Bangladesh,” capturing the widespread jubilation that followed her downfall.
In an exclusive interview with Radiance from Dhaka, Farid Hossain, the editor of United News of Bangladesh, provided an insightful analysis of the factors that led to the downfall of the 77-year-old Prime Minister. Hossain emphasized that anti-India sentiments played a significant role in Hasina’s decline, highlighting how her dictatorial governance style, rampant corruption, and nepotism alienated large sections of the population, leading to her eventual downfall. He noted that the student uprising had no political backing, further underscoring the widespread dissatisfaction with Hasina’s rule.
Hossain also pointed out that the future looks bleak for Hasina’s family and the Awami League, criticizing India’s strategy of aligning too closely with Hasina’s regime. He warned that the relationship between India and Bangladesh might deteriorate as a result, offering critical insights into the shifting political dynamics and challenges ahead for the nation.
As a new interim government takes shape in Bangladesh under the leadership of Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, it appears that the US will play a significant role in the country’s evolving political order. Hossain revealed that student leader Nahid Islam was instrumental in convincing a reluctant Yunus to lead the interim government. Yunus, who has faced over 190 legal cases under Hasina’s government, declared, “Bangladesh is liberated. We are a free country now.”
Reflecting on the factors that led to Sheikh Hasina’s downfall, Hossain identified deep-seated frustration and socio-economic grievances among the youth, the middle class, and the lower-income population as the driving forces. The stark inequality and injustice fostered by a corrupt, fear-driven dictatorship had created a wide gap between the working class and the elite, many of whom silently supported Hasina’s rule for their own benefit.
On July 15, the Awami League government deployed police and paramilitary forces to violently suppress students peacefully protesting the unfair quotas in government jobs. Over the following week, security forces used disproportionate force, including rubber bullets, pellet guns, sound grenades, tear gas, and live ammunition, against the protesters. Hossain described these violations as the final nail in the coffin of Hasina’s regime, which led to the widespread protests on August 3, echoing the “one-point” step-down slogan—“EkDafa, EkDabi”—reminiscent of the Arab Spring’s calls for change.
When asked about the Hasina government’s attempts to blame the protests on Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, Hossain dismissed these claims, asserting that the student movement was spontaneous and lacked any political backing. He explained that the ban on BJI, ostensibly justified by allegations of terrorism, was an attempt to stifle opposition but ultimately backfired.
Discussing the future of Hasina and the Awami League, Hossain was pessimistic, citing the authoritarian methods and repression that had become the hallmarks of her rule. He also addressed the vandalism by protesters who attempted to damage a statue of Mujibur Rahman in Dhaka and storm the parliament building, describing it as an expression of anger against Hasina’s regime.
Hossain, who once served as Press Minister at the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi, criticized India’s foreign policy approach to Bangladesh as flawed, warning that several India-backed projects in the country might now be at risk.
Regarding attacks on minorities, Hossain noted that homes of some prominent Muslim and Hindu leaders of the Awami League had been targeted, and a few nearby temples had also come under attack by unscrupulous individuals. He stressed that leaders of the student movement, as well as the BNP, Jamaat, and other parties, had urged their followers to protect minority communities and ensure the safety of Hindu households and temples. Hossain also lamented the spread of misinformation and fake news in India about the events in Bangladesh, urging caution and accuracy in reporting.