The world took notice of the CJP-led agitations against the BJP-led UnionGovernment over the alleged leakage of NEET examination papers. After their success in the NEET case, the CJP leaders began another demonstration seeking the resignation of CEC Gyanesh Kumar over the deletion of 13 crore voters from electoral rolls under the pretext of the SIR of electoral rolls. However, what went largely unnoticed were the student agitations at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI), demanding the restoration of elected student unions at the two central universities.
Perhaps the media’s overwhelming focus on the protests at Jantar Mantar explains why the agitations at AMU and JMI failed to attract comparable attention. Ironically, the two university protests were taking place practically in our own backyard. JMI is barely eight kilometres from Jantar Mantar, where national and international media had concentrated their attention, while AMU is about 150 kilometres away. Yet, despite their proximity to this prominent site of public protest, the students’ demands at both universities remained largely overshadowed by the demonstrations at Jantar Mantar.
Surprisingly, regular students’ union elections are held in the two central universities in JNU and DUwhile students’ union elections in the two minority institutions that are also central universities have remained suspended for years. While no students’ unions have been held in AMU since 2018, JMI has been without an elected students’ body since 2006. This is despite the fact that Lyngdoh Committee headed by former CEC James Michael Lyngdoh had, in 2006, recommended annual students’ union elections in all universities and colleges across the country, with no excuses.
While the CJP-led youth agitation against the leakage of NEET question papers and the deletion of voters under the guise of SIR can be the inspiration behind the students’ protests at the two minority institutions, the immediate trigger at AMU was the increase in tuition fees and other charges; the spark for the JMI movement was the poor facilities like washrooms, classrooms, libraries, and drinking water, apart from the hike in fees.
AMU Students Repeatedly Protest for Elected Students’ Union
Students at AMU had earlier protested against the hike in tuition fees and other charges and demanded restoration of students’ union elections in 2024 and 2025 as well, but these were suppressed by the authorities by use of force. In 2024, AMU students held demonstrations and sit-ins at the Vice-Chancellor’s residence and office, but these were made ineffective by the registration of police cases against some current and former students. The university had also initiated disciplinary action against several student-protesters. As the police and administration are very strict in UP under the existing BJP government, particularly in the case of Muslims, students had no option but to withdraw their agitation.
There are allegations that Prof. Naima Khatoon, AMU’s Vice-Chancellor, has political connections with the BJP. Though there is no proof of her connections with the BJP, she is accused of working in tandem with the BJP, as her appointment as AMU VC is considered a part of the BJP’s Muslim women outreach programme. Former AMU VC Prof. Tariq Mansoor, who preceded Prof. Naima Khatoon, is a senior office-bearer of the BJP. He is currently one of the national vice-presidents of the BJP and has also been nominated as a Member of the UP Legislative Council (MLC) on the recommendation of the BJP-led state government. The high-handed action of the university officials against the students needs to be understood in the political situation at the state and national level and the vital role of the Central government in funding central universities. Hence, the officials heading central universities have little option but to go by the diktats of the party in power. It is common knowledge that BJP governments in UP and at the Centre are not favourable to the growth of Muslim politics at any level. Therefore, the AMU students’ agitation could not pick up and died its own death after police action and subsequent university action against them.
A major confrontation took place in August 2025 between students and the university when the university hiked the tuition fee by 36 percent. The protesters demanded not only the rollback of the fee hike but also expanded it by including demands for union elections and changes in the proctorial team due to their highhandedness with students on the pretext of enforcing discipline on the campus. When the students blocked the Baab-e-Syed Gate and were offering Friday prayers, the university administration allowed the UP police to enter the campus. The police fired tear gas, brutally assaulted the students and dragged them. Female students reported being pushed and manhandled during the altercation. The university administration finally gave assurances for holding students’ union elections, but the promise was not kept.
Earlier in April 2025, female students of Abdullah Hall protested against prolonged electricity outages and water shortages, but members of the proctorial team are alleged to have behaved in a very authoritarian manner with the women students. They were allegedly pushed, manhandled, abused and intimidated by the university’s security staff.
Mass Student Protests Force AMU to Respond
In September 2026, largescale protests broke out over unhygienic and poor-quality food served in the hostel mess. Female students of Abdullah Hall and Women’s College alleged that insects and worms were found in meals, alongside other hazardous foreign objects, including plastic, hair, glass pieces, nails, and stones. Following this, a mass students protest was organised. This time around, students remained stuck to one-point demand: seeking students’ union elections and removal of the university proctor. The university suspended several students to contain the agitation.
However, the university’s action could not suppress the agitation. The students became further emboldened. This strengthened the students movement. Yasir Fahad, a postgraduate student affiliated with the AMU unit of SIO, went on an indefinite hunger strike on Sep. 21, 2026, demanding restoration of the union and an election date. There was a difference in the previous agitations and the last one. In earlier agitations, the protesters lacked proper leadership, and hence, it became possible for the university administration to crush them. However, the administration failed this time in its objective as Fahad was associated with SIO, the only organised Muslim students’ association having networks all across the country. Yasir and the SIO refused to retreat. They continued the pressure on the university administration. Students continuously held demonstrations and blocked the campus gate. As Yasir’s condition deteriorated, tension rose on campus. Fearing that something might happen to Yasir, university personnel on Oct. 7, 2026, arrived with an ambulance to take him for medical attention. Student protesters prevented Yasir’s transfer to the hospital, fearing that it might end the agitation.
AMU Announces Elections to Students’ Union
Following this, negotiations took place between students representatives and the VC. The VC conceded the students’ demands on Oct. 9, 2026, replacing the university proctor and announcing the students’ union elections. Prof. Naima Khatoon visited the protest site herself and offered juice to Yasir to break his fast. Yasir remained on hunger strike for 19 days. The union elections are now going to be held on Nov. 5, 2026. The results will be declared the same day, as per the announcement made by the university. The VC also replaced Proctor Mohammed Naveed Khan with Prof. Nafees Ahmed Ansari.
AMU Victory Inspires JMIStudents
The JMI students seem to have been motivated by AMU students’ victory. Students connected with several student organisations such as SIO, Fraternity Movement, NSUI and other groups made a demand for restoration of the students’ union in this central university as well. Three JMI students launched an indefinite hunger strike on Oct. 12, 2026, demanding the restoration of JMI Students’ Union (JMISU). The number of participants subsequently rose to five and it then began to swell, with more students joining the agitation at Gate No. 8 of JMI.
The JMI administration used the Delhi police to quell the agitation. Several students, including the girl students, were detained. Some girl students alleged they were assaulted by female police personnel during the bid to detain and force them into the police vehicle. But police denied attacking female students. Meanwhile, AMU students, including Yasir Fahad, visited JMI to express their solidarity with Jamia students and support their demands. JMI has not held university-wide students’ union elections since 2006. The university subsequently dissolved the elected body on March 31, 2006, citing campus violence, clashes, and disruption to academic activities.
The matter was taken to the Delhi High Court in 2011 by former JMI students, seeking restoration of elections. The university discussed alternative forms of representation, including departmental associations, while refusing university-wide elections.
In 2017, students’ organisations, including NSUI, AISA, SIO, CYSS and Jamia Students’ Forum, came together under a Joint Action Committee. They planned a march to the VC office and intended to submit a memorandum demanding elections. The university administration cited the pending court case as an obstacle.
The Delhi High Court disposed of the petition on Dec. 20, 2022, after the university submitted that the union had been dissolved and that elections were not being held. The order, however, did not direct the university to hold elections, nor did it impose a blanket prohibition on future elections. However, if the order is interpreted, it suggests that elections can be conducted, albeit with certain conditions as given in the Lyngdoh Committee Report.
JMI Forms Panel for Election Rules, Student Protest Continues
Under pressure from past alumni, local politicians, and the fear that the students’ movement does not spread and invites student and youth activists like Neha Bora, the university on Oct. 21, 2026, constituted a five-member committee under the chairmanship of Prof. Zubair Meenai, Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences, to draft the constitution of the JMISU under Art. 28 of the JMI Act, 1988. A notification issued by JMI Registrar Mahtab Alam Rizvi said, “The committee will consider circumstances leading to the dissolution of the JMISU in 2006, various rulings of competent courts in relation to the JMISU, and recommendations of the Lyngdoh Committee.”
The October 21 notification further said, “The committee will reach out to various stakeholders including students and submit the draft by Dec. 20, 2026. The Dean, Students Welfare, shall convene the meeting of the committee at the earliest.”
Students Fear Delay Tactics, Demand Assured Election Dates
However, the JMI students are not convinced by the notification, its language, and the long time given for preparing the draft. Moreover, there is no student representative in the committee tasked with drafting the rules for conducting union elections. As students fear that the two months given to the committee is a ploy just to secure withdrawal of the students’ agitation, the students have decided to continue their agitation. As many as four students – Jasim Ali Khan, Ebin Basil, Rehan Haider and Rehan Khan – have been sitting on an indefinite hunger strike from Oct. 12, 2026. A girl student, Nida, joined the hunger strike on Oct. 22, 2026. The student representatives say their agitation will continue till the university announces the dates for holding elections.
Students fear that the JMI authorities may skip the direct elections and may resort to ‘nomination-based representation’. The Lyngdoh Report says that where peaceful and fair elections are not feasible, a nomination-based system may be used in certain institutions. As JMISU was dissolved in 2005 on the grounds of the involvement of certain members of JMISU, the students argue that this can be used as an excuse to deny union elections again. However, the Lyngdoh Report recognises student representation as an important part of university life and says elections should ordinarily be held.
As the two minority institutions – AMU and JMI – have historically provided a space for nurturing Muslim political consciousness and community leadership, reclaiming this space is important, particularly at a time when Muslim political assertion is facing increasing hostility. Demanding elected student unions in AMU and JMI is a reaffirmation of students’ right to organise, represent, and lead.
[The writer is the Chief Editor of India Tomorrow news portal. Contact at itnnchiefeditor@gmail.com]