After the violence in Nagpur, the state government is playing the Hindu victimhood card to push the agenda of the film Chhaava. For an entire week, Godi media propagated the narrative that Muslims are as cruel and ruthless as Aurangzeb. Just as this claim is historically inaccurate, it is equally false today. The exaggeration seen in films through camera tricks is now being outdone by the manipulation of news media. Every news channel sent its reporters to select Hindu households, showcasing minor incidents of stone pelting as if they were atomic bomb attacks. They displayed images of Hindu deities, falsely claiming they had been desecrated, even when the images themselves disproved the narrative. Meanwhile, no one bothered to visit the homes of more than a hundred innocent Muslims who were mercilessly thrown behind bars.
This false narrative was still being woven when the news of Irfan Ansari’s death broke. This is why it is said that lies have no legs to stand on. Poet Ameer Minai aptly said:
“The Day of Judgment is near, O friends; how long will the slaughter remain hidden?
If the dagger’s blade stays silent, the blood will cry out from the sleeves.”
According to the government and Godi media, the riots in Nagpur were instigated solely by Muslims. If that is true, then how did Irfan Ansari suffer such severe injuries that led to his death? Did the Muslims kill their own brother? His death has exposed the hollow claims of both the government and the media.
Irfan Ansari, who was critically injured in the March 17 violence, was undergoing treatment at Mayo Hospital in Nagpur. His condition was so serious from the very first day that he had to be admitted to ICU. After battling for six days, he finally succumbed to his injuries. Even a week after the violence, a curfew remains imposed in nine areas of Nagpur.
This riot occurred in the home city of Maharashtra’s Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, yet it took him an unusually long time to visit and assess the situation – an undeniable testament to his apathy and lack of seriousness. In a special interview, he stated that a thorough investigation would be conducted and that no criminal would be spared. But the real question is: will Irfan Ansari’s killers be arrested and punished? The Chief Minister speaks of compensating for the losses incurred in the riots, but will he ensure that Irfan Ansari’s murderers are hanged? Will Irfan Ansari’s family be compensated for their irreparable loss? He remains silent on these critical questions.
The Chief Minister, who has openly threatened bulldozer action, must clarify when bulldozers will roll over the homes of VHP workers. While he claims that cases have also been filed against members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, he conveniently hides the fact that these rioters were immediately granted bail for a mere ₹2,000 bond. Meanwhile, Muslim youths have been slapped with sedition charges, drastically worsening their plight. If the Chief Minister truly intends to take action against those responsible for disturbing peace and order, he must explain this glaring disparity – especially since it was the Bajrang Dal members who initiated the violence.
In acknowledging his failure, Fadnavis admitted that in the modern era, riots are spread more through social media than on the streets. However, it appears that this is precisely why the BJP established its IT cell – to spread anti-Muslim hatred round the clock.
Before Fadnavis arrived in Nagpur, Muslim political and social representatives condemned the riots and demanded an impartial investigation. They argued that prompt police intervention could have prevented the violence. They urged the Chief Minister to restore peace by meeting with representatives from both communities. Instead, he chose to confine himself to the police and the media.
During a press conference, Dr. Mohammad Owais Hasan Raza stated, “For the past two to three years, various attempts have been made to provoke the Muslim community. A state minister repeatedly raises the Aurangzeb issue. After the alleged burning of a cloth inscribed with Quranic verses, Muslims approached the police and demanded action. But when the police failed to act, some people lost their patience.”
This was a natural reaction – after all, patience has its limits. The administration’s apathy and systematic targeting of Muslims have pushed the community to the edge.
Former minister and Congress leader Anees Ahmed told the media, “During the protest, VHP and Bajrang Dal symbolically built Aurangzeb’s tomb and desecrated it by covering it with the sacred cloth (Chadar) of Baba Tajuddin’s shrine.”
According to him, despite this act of desecration, the VHP members were arrested under minor charges and released shortly afterward, which he termed as “communal favouritism.” He criticised the arrest of innocent youth returning from Taraweeh prayers and condemned the imposition of 57 charges on minors. Ahmed also expressed his intention to meet the Governor regarding these injustices. He pointed out that the Chief Minister should have met Muslim representatives to maintain peace and security, but “his fear of upsetting Hindu voters and his ideological leanings restrained him.”
Following protests by the RSS-affiliated organisations like VHP and Bajrang Dal against the 300-year-old tomb of Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in Khuldabad, communal violence erupted in Nagpur, leading to the imposition of a curfew in the city. The key questions remain – how did the violence start? Who masterminded it? What were its objectives? While there may be various answers, an important statement came from RSS spokesperson Sunil Ambekar, which sent a clear message to both the administration and political leaders in power. When asked about Aurangzeb’s relevance in the modern era, Ambekar responded, “He has no relevance at all.” This statement was essentially an acknowledgment that to them Aurangzeb holds no significance today.
During their unauthorised protest in Nagpur, VHP and Bajrang Dal demanded the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb. At this event, they reportedly brought a green cloth from a shrine, allegedly inscribed with verses from the Quran, and set it on fire. When Muslims protested against this act, the police took no action against those involved in the unauthorised demonstration. Furthermore, they delayed registering complaints from Muslim protestors and failed to take action against those responsible for burning the sacred cloth. This led to frustration and anger among the Muslim community. Despite this, Chief Minister Fadnavis continued to use the pretext of police attacks to issue indirect warnings of a crackdown on Muslims.
Amidst this escalating tension, Ambekar’s statement came, saying, “Any form of violence is not good for society, and I believe the police have taken note of it and will investigate further.” His remarks were made just before the RSS’s annual working committee meeting, scheduled from March 21 to 23. One of the key resolutions under discussion was the alleged persecution of Hindus and other minorities in Bangladesh. This ironic situation, where the RSS seemed more concerned about minorities in Bangladesh while ignoring the plight of minorities in their own city – home to the RSS headquarters – was striking. The meeting was also set to discuss the RSS’s 100-year journey and future goals.
Ambekar likely expected journalists to question him about these issues during the press conference, but instead, they disrupted his agenda by raising the Nagpur controversy, making this the most widely circulated part of the media coverage. His statement inadvertently silenced not only Chief Minister Fadnavis but also Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and leaders like Nitesh Rane, who had been aggressively pushing the Aurangzeb narrative.
Union Minister Nitin Gadkari, the most prominent leader from Maharashtra in the central government, hails from Nagpur. Interestingly, just two days before the violence, he delivered a well-received speech at Anjuman Islam College, advocating for cordial relations with Muslims. Given that Gadkari is considered the RSS’s preferred candidate for Prime Minister – especially with Narendra Modi turning 75 this year – his visit to the RSS headquarters shortly before the outbreak of violence fuelled political speculation.
For the past century, the RSS has been instilling fear among Hindus about Muslims and, at the same time, attempting to intimidate Muslims. However, the fact that communal violence erupted so close to their headquarters suggests a failure in their mission – if they had truly succeeded, such reactions wouldn’t have occurred.
Chief Minister Fadnavis further complicated matters by labelling the violence as “pre-planned.” This statement backfired, as spontaneous riots cannot be prevented, but if the violence was orchestrated, then his intelligence agencies failed to detect and prevent it. Who, then, is responsible for this security lapse? As both the Chief Minister and Home Minister of the state, should Fadnavis not be held accountable? This is why many are now demanding his resignation, holding him responsible for the violence.
Historically, it is said that Chhatrapati Shivaji built the tomb of Afzal Khan, and his grandson, Shahuji Maharaj – who was raised by Aurangzeb himself – paid respects at Aurangzeb’s grave. However, today, leaders like Nitesh Rane are trying to portray themselves as more devoted followers of Shivaji than his own descendants.
According to Rane, Aurangzeb’s actions against Chhatrapati Shivaji and Sambhaji Maharaj justify removing his tomb from Maharashtra. The question arises – why did none of Maharashtra’s ruling powers, including the Marathas who governed for over 250 years after Aurangzeb’s death, consider this before? Even Rane’s own father, Narayan Rane, served as Maharashtra’s Chief Minister but never suggested it.
Hinting at demolishing Aurangzeb’s tomb, Rane stated, “Our Chief Minister holds the same view, and at the right time, you will get breaking news.” His statement echoed the rhetoric used in the lead-up to the Babri Masjid demolition, sparking concerns about history repeating itself.
Following a caution from the RSS, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis indirectly distanced himself from Nitish Rane’s controversial statement. He advised his cabinet colleagues to exercise restraint and ensure that their remarks do not incite hostility within society.
A senior BJP leader stated, “Sometimes, young ministers make certain remarks. On such occasions, I have spoken to them and reminded them that as ministers, they need to exercise self-control.” This was a clear reference to Nitish Rane, who considers himself a close confidant of the Chief Minister.
On this occasion, CM Fadnavis recalled the advice given by former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to the then Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in the aftermath of the Gujarat riots. Vajpayee had publicly reminded Modi that “As ministers, we must uphold ‘Raj Dharma’ (the duty of governance). This requires us to set aside our personal opinions, preferences, and biases. We have taken an oath to uphold the Constitution, which obliges us to ensure justice for all.”
On March 10, CM Fadnavis had supported the demand for the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb, but he clarified that any action in this regard must remain within the legal framework, as the site is an archaeological monument. Reiterating his stance, he stated that while the government is responsible for preserving the tomb as a protected site, it would not allow efforts to glorify Aurangzeb’s legacy. According to him, the tomb’s preservation is a matter of historical record rather than reverence.
Meanwhile, the Maharashtra government is using the recent violence in Nagpur as an opportunity to garner sympathy by highlighting attacks and misconduct against police officers. At the same time, anti-Muslim sentiment is being stoked within the police force. The incident where an armed policeman was attacked with an axe but did not retaliate is hard to believe. Additionally, questions remain about why no action was taken against those who physically harassed a female officer from the RCP squad, made obscene gestures, and misbehaved with other female officers.
The selective crackdown on innocent Muslim youth, while showing leniency towards VHP extremists, suggests that the entire episode was a staged spectacle. Given this government’s track record, such theatrics were expected. As poet Sudarshan Fakir aptly put it:
“My killer is also my judge –
What kind of justice can I expect?”
[Dr. Saleem Khan holds a PhD in Nuclear Chemistry, and his writings are widely read both in India and abroad.]