A new reservation debate would begin all over the country if Patels with reasonably good education and economically better than many other communities are given OBC status and reservation, observes FATIMA TANVEER
Prime Minister Narendra Modi would have never expected that he would face challenge from a 22-year old lad. He had sent many BJP veterans like Lal Krishna Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and once Gujarat BJP supremo Keshubhai Patel to political oblivion to rise to the BJP’s national stage and occupy the highest administrative post in the country in May 2014. He made fun of everybody who challenged his “Gujarat model” of development and the media also supported him. But the same Modi was seen nonplussed and his body language indicated how helpless he was when a 22-year-old Hardik Patel openly declared from a rally in Ahmedabad on August 25 that Modi’s “Gujarat model” was a sham, merely intended at propaganda for political purposes as the vast population was poor.
Hardik also said that there was corruption everywhere in the government even during Modi’s rule but it was not visible. This contradicted Modi’s oft-repeated claim, “I neither take bribes nor allow others to take the bribe.” Hardik represents Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) demanding OBC status for Patels or Patidars for reservation in government jobs and educational institutions.
Violence gripped the entire state after a brief detention of Hardik Patel in the night of August 25 when three lakh of his supporters had dispersed after the rally. All the Patel dominated areas in Ahmedabad, Surat, Vadodara, Mehsana and other places were badly affected by the riots as angry Patels came out in the street to target police and the government properties. As many as 15 police chowkies and police stations were put on fire and over 200 government buses burnt and destroyed across the state. The state almost came to a halt with bus services having been off the road and train services from and to Gujarat were also affected as young Patels damaged rail lines at several places. Air services to Ahmedabad too met the same fate.
The violence left 10 people dead, including a police constable during a clash in Surat and more than 100 others injured. The state government had to requisition Army to assist police in Ahmedabad where areas under nine police stations had been put under curfew as police failed to control the rioting Patels. Curfew was also clamped in parts of Mehsana, Palanpur, Surat and Vadodara to control the situation. Coincidentally, it were the same areas that were also most affected during 2002 anti-Muslim riots, indicating who played the major role against Muslims. But that is not the issue under discussion now.
Hardik Patel, whose father in Viramgam taluka of Ahmedabad district is a BJP functionary, was requested by the state government to make appeal for peace. Though he made appeals on TV sets in the Hindi language sending the message across the country, he also made one thing clear that agitation for OBC status for Patels would continue. He also held police responsible for initiating violence. He also accused the police of entering Patel houses, beating up men, women and children without provocation and damaging properties belonging to Patels in Ahmedabad, a practice perfected by the police while dealing with Muslims.
In two different PILs filed in connection with the police excesses, Gujarat High Court has ordered the government to probe it and in one case, it has asked the Ahmedabad Police Commissioner to submit a report in two weeks and in another case on September 3.
As it was Modi’s state that went into flames over reservation issue and put his position at stake in the party and the central government, he too came out to appeal for peace. But the same Modi who had claimed to have 56 inches chest during 2014 Lok Sabha elections, appeared as if his entire body was shrunk and deflated due to the fear of Patel challenging him politically. Hardik Patel, in his speech at the rally, warned that he would take his agitation to Jantar Mantar and rest of the country if his demands were not met. Modi, appearing disturbed, asked his Gujarati “brothers and sisters” to help in restoration of peace for development of the state and return to the negotiating table.
Claiming to have no link with any political party, Hardik Patel threatened BKP that “lotus (BJP’s poll symbol) would not bloom in December 2017 assembly polls if Patels demands are ignored”. His threat shook the entire BJP rank and file because Patels form the backbone of the BJP in the state and BJP cannot continue in power under any circumstances if Patels withdraw their support. Though it is not clear so far who is behind this stir, it is being alleged that Vishwa Hindu Parishad may be behind the agitation as Pravin Togadia, himself a Patel, does not see eye to eye with Modi. Hardik’s photo with Togadia was also circulated on social media trying to prove his link with VHP. Hardik defended it, terming Togadia as “Hindu Hriday Samrat”. He also praised Babu Bajrangi, an accused given life sentence in Nardoa Patia mass massacre of Muslims during 2002 communal riots. In media interviews, Hardik held late Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray his “idol”, indicating the mindset of the emerging Patel leader.
The government took a lenient view and wanted to help the Patel cause but its hands are legally tied. As per Supreme Court order, reservations can’t exceed 50 per cent of the total and reservation has reached to saturation point in Gujarat with 27 per cent for OBC, seven per cent for Dalits and 16 per cent for tribals. As for inclusion in 27 per cent OBC quota, the existing 146 OBC communities are opposing Patels. Incidentally, a majority of OBCs are also BJP supporters, creating further political problem for the state BJP government. If the government surrenders to their demand under political pressure, Patels would have to be accommodated within existing 27 per cent OBC quota and this might invite resistance from the existing OBC communities, resulting in caste violence. Before August 25 Patel rally, Thakore and other OBCs had also held a rally at Sabarmati Ashram, threatening government of dire consequences if any attempt was made to dilute their quota by incorporating Patels in it.
Whatever happens, political analysts say that the movement is certainly going to leave its political impact and create split among communities supporting BJP in the state. If Patels are given OBC status, other OBC communities supporting BJP might keep from BJP. And if Patels don’t get OBC status, there are fair chances of a large section of the Patidar community to part ways with BJP. In any case, BJP will be politically the biggest loser.
But the demand from Patels, who account for about 20 per cent of state’s population, is quite surprising as they are both politically and economically the most powerful community in the state, with Patel diaspora spread all over the world and engaged mainly in business. Out of a total of 182 MLAs in the state, there are 44 Patel MLAs (40 belonging to BJP) and there are seven Patels as ministers out of a total of 16 ministers, besides Chief Minister Anandiben Patel herself belonging to Patel community. Of 26 MPs, five are Patels. They are also owners of land and agricultural properties in the state. Patels are also owners of big businesses in the state like Cadila Healthcare’s Pankaj Patel and Karsanbhai Patel of Nirma group.
Besides, Patels also control Surat’s diamond business. Patels, through their hard work and entrepreneurship, have also performed well abroad and according to a report in the Guardian newspaper, Patels are among the richest in Britain. According to the report, there are 37 Patel multi-millionaire and over 500 are millionaires. Patels also have control over hotel industry in US. Gujarat also had several Patels as Chief Minister. Among them were Babubhai Jassabhai Patel, Chimanbhai Patel and Keshubhai Patel besides the current Chief Minister Anandiben Patel. The Swaminarayans, the richest Hindu religious sect, is also run, funded and provided manpower by the Patel community itself. Swaminarayans also have set up a network of their luxurious temples all over the globe, with funds provided by wealthy and affluent Patels settled down in those countries.
Seen in this backdrop, the demand for OBC status by the community to seek reservation in jobs and admissions in government educational institutions appears to be absurd. It is ironical that Patels had themselves opposed reservation for OBC in 1985 and 1990. In 1976, Madhavsinh Solanki had to resign as Chief Minister after agitation by Patels when Solanki’s government gave reservation to OBC communities based on recommendation of the Bakshi Commission. But Patel leaders connected with the agitation argue that it were not only the Patels who have developed economically in Gujarat but other communities as well. But while other rural and agricultural communities are disproportionately benefitting in government jobs and educational field because of their inclusion in OBC list and the Patels of the same social and economic status were left behind. They say it was causing heartburn among the new generation of youths and hence, they are demanding their inclusion in OBC category.
Vice-Chancellor of a university hailing from the Patel community, requesting anonymity, said that existing reservation policy allowed reserved category candidates to be accommodated in general category for admission in case they were at par with general category candidates in merit, thus reducing the number of seats for general category candidates. According to him, there were hardly 25 per cent seats available for general category candidates after filling up the seats from reserved category candidates. He said that Patel youths felt left behind and this was the real cause of the latest agitation.
Patel agitation has found supporters from many quarters of their community. Columnist and former editor of Financial Express (Gujarati edition) Haribhai Desai, currently engaged with Charotar Education Trust at Anand, has openly supported the demand of Patel youths, saying the condition of Patels in rural areas was not as good as it was in urban centres. Arguing in favour of the demand, Desai said that if the Patel community living in neighbouring Rajasthan, MP and Maharashtra can be given OBC status and reservation, they need to be given similar status in Gujarat as well. Desai said that Anjana Patels of the North Gujarat, forming a small segment of the Patels, were already in OBC list. So, there should not be any problem to include the rest of Patels, Leuva and Kadva, the largest Patel sub-sects in the state, in OBC list.
But political analyst and author Achyut Yagnik disagrees with Patel agitationists and their supporters. He says that the Patel community does not deserve OBC status and reservation under any parameter. Well-known sociologist Gaurang Jani of the Gujarat University also does not see any merit in the demand of the Patel community.
But Gujarat has its own history of OBC quotas. The idea for OBC quota in the state was mooted in 1973, 13 years after the formation of the state in May 1960, by the then Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki of the Congress, who is himself an OBC. Solanki appointed a three-member commission led by Justice (retd) Anantprasad R. Bakshi, and comprising Dr. Taraben Patel, a Professor of Sociology from the Gujarat University, and C N Vakil, a Professor of Economics from MS University, to recommend communities for Gujarat’s OBC list. The commission submitted its report in 1976, after which 82 communities were recognised as OBCs. In 1981, the state announced a 10 per cent quota for OBCs. The state subsequently appointed the Gopal Krishna Commission and Rane Commission which added more communities to the Bakshi Commission’s list.
Gujarat now has a permanent OBC Commission in Gandhinagar, headed by former Gujarat High Court Judge Sugnya Bhatt. The state has 146 notified OBC communities. The last community to be added to the list was of ‘Darzis’ or tailors. The Modh Ghanchi community, to which Prime Minister Narendra Modi belongs, is also on OBC list. Other major communities in OBC list are Rabaris, Bharwads, Prajapatis, Panchals, Kolis, Thakors, Ghanchis, Sipahis and Pinjaras. OBC communities together form 52 per cent of the state’s population.
A senior BJP leader assigned to hold discussions with PAAS leaders says that it is not within the powers of the State Government to accept the demand for OBC status. The demand has to be put before the OBC Commission with an application, supported by material to back their claim. This could be old documents and even legends. The commission orders a census of the community to check their numbers and social and educational status. Literacy levels, especially among women, are a key indicator. If it is convinced of the claim, it may recommend OBC status for the community, and the government then issues a notification.
But one thing is certain. A new reservation debate would begin all over the country if Patels with reasonably good education and economically better than many other communities are given OBC status and reservation.