The Hidden Economy: Gender, Credit, and the Future of India’s Informal Workforce

For India’s largest minority group, high rates of self-employment do not always signal economic vibrancy. Instead, they represent “distress entrepreneurship,” a survival mechanism triggered by a lack of formal jobs and a deep-seated exclusion from the banking system.

Written by

Abdul Quadir

Published on

In the humming, narrow bylanes of Moradabad’s brass workshops, the weaver colonies of Bhiwandi, and the scrap markets of Seelampur, a massive workforce operates far outside the gaze of corporate India. These are the “Invisible Entrepreneurs,” men and women who form the backbone of the urban informal economy but remain its most vulnerable constituents. While national economic indicators often celebrate rising self-employment as a sign of progress, a closer look at the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2023-24 and recent reports from the Ministry of Minority Affairs reveals a much more complex and troubling struggle. For India’s largest minority group, high rates of self-employment do not always signal economic vibrancy. Instead, they represent “distress entrepreneurship,” a survival mechanism triggered by a lack of formal jobs and a deep-seated exclusion from the banking system.

 

Muslim Women and the Invisible Workforce

A significant and often overlooked portion of the high self-employment figures among the Muslim community is driven by women. According to the PLFS 2023-24, the labour force participation rate for Muslim women has reached approximately 21.4%. While this is a notable increase from the 15.4% reported in 2021-22, it is rarely a sign of traditional empowerment or a deliberate career choice. Instead, the “Gender Shield” theory suggests that women step in as a secondary line of defenceto protect the household from total collapse. When the male breadwinner’s income often derived from unstable casual labour or struggling micro-shops fails to keep up with the rising cost of living and high inflation, the domestic space is transformed into a production unit.

The vast majority of these women are engaged in “home-based” work, a category that includes traditional trades such as zardozi (gold thread embroidery), bidi rolling, incense stick making, and garment tailoring. Because their work is often confined to the home due to a combination of social norms, domestic responsibilities, and a lack of safe transportation, they are effectively “geofenced.” They cannot access wider markets, wholesale hubs, or retail exhibitions directly. Consequently, they become entirely dependent on a network of middlemen. These aggregators provide the raw materials and collect the finished goods, paying a pittance per piece. While government statistics label this as “self-employment,” a forensic look reveals it is actually the outsourcing of industrial production to an unregulated domestic space.

In this setup, the invisible female entrepreneur bears all the operational overheads such as electricity, the physical space of her living quarters, and the long-term health toll of working in poorly lit or unventilated conditions. Meanwhile, the middleman or the larger aggregator captures the vast majority of the surplus value. This labour is a crucial but exploited component of India’s global supply chain. Because they work from home, these women remain “price-takers” rather than “price-makers,” with no power to negotiate. Furthermore, they lack the basic legal protections afforded to formal workers, such as guaranteed minimum wages, health insurance, or maternity benefits.

To move beyond mere survival, government policy must shift toward creating “Market Hubs” or dedicated common facility centres within minority-concentrated clusters. Such interventions would allow these women to bypass exploitative middlemen and connect directly with urban retail chains or digital marketplaces. While programmes like PM VIKAS are a positive step toward recognising these skills, they must be backed by infrastructure that brings the market to the artisan’s doorstep, ensuring that their labour results in asset creation rather than just “consumption smoothing” for a struggling household.

 

The Feminisation of Debt and Financial Risk

This economic dynamic is further complicated by what researchers call the “feminisation of debt.” Operational data from the National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation (NMDFC) reveals a stark gender skew: over 85% of its beneficiaries are women. On the surface, this aligns with global microfinance trends that favour lending to women. However, in this specific context, it highlights a survival strategy rather than an entrepreneurial shift. Because women can access lower interest rates roughly 6% p.a. under specific NMDFC credit lines compared to 8% for men households often route their borrowing through the female members.

This makes women the primary debt-bearers of the family, even when they lack actual control over the enterprise or the capital. There is a legitimate concern that these funds are frequently used for “consumption smoothing” covering immediate survival needs like school fees, medical bills, or electricity arrears rather than business asset creation. When a loan is used for consumption, it does not generate the revenue needed to pay itself back, leading to a debt trap.

While the government’s focus on women through the NMDFC is a positive step toward financial inclusion, the current model risks over-burdening women without giving them the tools to scale. For the sake of the community, policy must shift from providing micro-loans for consumption to providing substantial growth capital. This would enable female-led small enterprises to move out of the living room and into the marketplace, turning a survival shield into a sword for economic mobility.

 

The Ceiling of Asset Poverty and the Banking Wall

If the labour market provides the “flow” of income, assets represent the “stock” of wealth that allows a business to take risks, absorb shocks, and eventually grow. In the economic world, you cannot build a skyscraper on a foundation of sand. For the invisible entrepreneur, the foundation is not just thin it is almost non-existent. The All-India Debt and Investment Survey (AIDIS) reveals a staggering “Asset Deficit” for the Muslim community. Currently, Muslims are the poorest religious group in India regarding asset ownership, with average household assets sitting at roughly 79% of the national average. This is not merely a statistic; it is a structural barrier that prevents the transition from a survival-based shop to a growth-oriented enterprise.

This deficit creates what economists call a “Collateral Crunch.” In India’s formal banking system, credit is almost exclusively tied to property or land. When an entrepreneur has no “stock” of wealth to pledge, they become invisible to the formal banking sector. Without land titles or home ownership to offer as a guarantee, these individuals are pushed away from bank counters and into the arms of informal lenders. These local moneylenders often charge predatory interest rates ranging from 24% to 60% annually. When an artisan is forced to pay 5% interest per month, they aren’t building a business; they are simply working to service a debt. The profit that should have been reinvested in a new sewing machine or better raw materials is instead swallowed by interest, keeping the business in a state of “permanent infancy.”

This exclusion is further compounded by the persistent legacy of “Red Zoning.” Originally identified in the 2006 Sachar Committee Report, Red Zoning is the practice where banks systematically avoid lending in minority-concentrated districts based on a perceived high risk of default. While the government has made commendable strides in financial inclusion – opening millions of Jan Dhan accounts to bring people into the banking fold – a bank account without a credit line is like a car without fuel. Today, this bias has evolved; modern risk algorithms used by private and public banks often flag specific pin codes in areas like Mumbra, Okhla, or Seelampur as “high-risk,” making it nearly impossible for an honest entrepreneur to secure even a basic Mudra loan.

The data on credit distribution tells a story of “ticket size” discrimination. Figures show that the average loan amount lent per account to Muslims is approximately half that of other minority groups. This disparity ensures a cycle of low productivity: a loan of ₹50,000 might be enough to buy a wooden pushcart or a hand-operated tool, but it is nowhere near enough to purchase industrial-grade equipment, such as a CNC machine or a high-speed power loom, which are required to run a competitive modern factory.

To bridge this gap, the government must move toward a “Green Channeling” approach. This would involve the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) enforcing strict, transparent audits on lending patterns within these neglected zones to ensure fair play. A positive and necessary shift in policy would be for the government to act as a sovereign guarantor for these entrepreneurs. By backing loans for those who have the technical skills but lack the physical collateral, the state can finally break the “Banking Wall” and allow the invisible entrepreneur to scale up and contribute fully to India’s economic future.

 

Moving Beyond the “Artisan Trap”

The Indian government has shifted its focus to “empowerment” frameworks, most notably through the PM VIKAS (Pradhan Mantri Virasat Ka Samvardhan) scheme. While the focus on skilling and market linkages is a welcome modernisation of minority affairs, there is a serious risk of the “Artisan Trap.” By over-focusing on traditional “Virasat” (Heritage), policy may inadvertently pigeonhole the community into low-productivity sectors that are easily disrupted by automation and global imports.

Economic mobility usually requires moving away from traditional, labour-intensive trades and into modern services or manufacturing. PM VIKAS, while preserving culture, may inadvertently romanticise poverty by encouraging the son of a weaver to stay in the trade rather than pursuing a career in technology or logistics. Similarly, the PM Vishwakarma scheme offers loans to traditional workers but focuses heavily on “family trades,” which can reinforce the status quo rather than helping people move up.

To truly break this cycle, the government should expand these schemes to include training in modern technical fields such as CAD/CAM design or digital marketing, ensuring that heritage is a choice, not a lack of options. The goal should be to turn the artisan into a modern manufacturer. Below is a comparison of current financial tools available for this transition:

Table: Comparison of Primary Financial Vehicles (2024-25)

FeaturePM Mudra Yojana

(PMMY)

NMDFC

(Virasat/Term Loan)

PM Vishwakarma
Target AudienceMicro/Small units

(Mfg/Service)

Notified minority

communities

Traditional artisans/craftspeople
Max LoanUp to ₹10 Lakh

(Kishore/Tarun)

Up to ₹30 Lakh

(Term Loan)

Up to ₹3 Lakh

(in phases)

Interest Rate8%-12% p.a.

(Bank-dependent)

5%-8% p.a.

(Lower for women)

5% p.a.

(Concessional)

CollateralCollateral-freeSelf-guarantee

for small loans

Collateral-free

 

A Path to Genuine Integration

The “Entrepreneurship Paradox” of the Indian Muslim community is a warning light for the national economy. A large, industrious workforce is stuck in a low-growth equilibrium due to structural barriers. To turn this demographic dividend into a growth engine, the government must move from a welfare mindset to a genuine integration mindset. This requires Venture Debt for Micro-Enterprises financial instruments designed to look at a business’s cash flow and potential rather than physical property titles.

Second, Green Channelling for Credit is essential. The RBI should enforce strict audits on lending patterns in minority districts and act as a guarantor for these “Invisible Entrepreneurs” through government-backed channels to end geographical exclusion. This would ensure that the credit flow is not just present, but sufficient for capital-intensive scaling.

Finally, the best way to help an entrepreneur of necessity is to ensure their children have the choice to enter the formal job market. While the government’s focus on skills is a step in the right direction, restoring and increasing educational scholarships is the only way to break the intergenerational cycle of distress and low-productivity self-employment. The Invisible Entrepreneur is currently holding up the floor of the informal economy. It is time for policy to help them build a ceiling high enough to finally stand tall.

[The writer is Ph.D. Research Scholar (SRF), Department of Social Work, UGC Centre for Advanced Study, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi]