The recent Waqf Amendment Bill, swiftly introduced and passed by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in both houses of Parliament, has raised pressing questions about its underlying political motives. The BJP is known for pursuing multiple objectives with a single move, but there’s always a primary target. In this case, it’s the appeasement of its hardcore Hindutva voter base.
When Prime Minister Narendra Modi rose to power in 2014, he projected a moderate image with the slogan “SabkaSaath, Sabka Vikas” (Together with all, development for all). His outreach included inviting Pakistani PM Nawaz Sharif to his swearing-in and even making an unscheduled visit to Pakistan. Simultaneously, he downplayed communally sensitive issues like the Ram Mandir and instead sold dreams of “Achhe Din” (better days).
However, during Modi’s first term, the strategy shifted. The government pushed for a law against Triple Talaq, projecting it as a move for Muslim women’s empowerment. This, however, backfired within the Muslim community, which viewed it as interference in Shariah. The government’s image as anti-Muslim re-emerged, undoing its earlier outreach efforts.
Facing criticism over corruption allegations – particularly related to the Rafale deal – the BJP pivoted to hyper-nationalism using the Pulwama attack and subsequent “surgical strikes” to shore up support. This gamble worked, and the party returned to power in 2019 with a stronger mandate. The message was clear: development alone couldn’t sustain the BJP’s dominance; Hindu majoritarianism was essential.
This new trajectory saw key portfolios reshuffled. Rajnath Singh was moved to Defence, and Amit Shah took over the Home Ministry, initiating a series of controversial moves: the scrapping of Article 370 in Kashmir, the passing of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the NRC exercise – all of which targeted the Muslim community. Court decisions on the Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir dispute, the release of BilkisBano’s rapists, and the Delhi riots reinforced the narrative of Muslim marginalisation to please the Hindutva base.
In the 2024 general elections, the BJP abandoned the inclusive rhetoric of “SabkaSaath, Sabka Vikas” altogether. Instead, the campaign was rife with fear-mongering about Indian Muslims allegedly threatening Hindu traditions and property. This time, however, the polarising strategy did not work. The BJP fell short of the majority mark and had to rely on allies like Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) and Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP to form a government.
This situation created anxiety among BJP’s core Hindu nationalist base. With the party now dependent on regional allies, a key question arose in their minds: can a weakened BJP government still “protect” them from perceived Muslim threats? This fear posed a danger to the BJP’s vote bank, which thrives on emotional polarisation rather than rational discourse on governance issues like inflation or unemployment.
To reassure its base, the BJP used the very first parliamentary session post-election to table the Waqf (Amendment) Bill. While the party didn’t expect opposition from its allies, resistance did emerge. The TDP demanded the formation of a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC), and JD(U) proposed several amendments. The BJP reluctantly agreed, exposing its vulnerability.
Among the contentious amendments was one affecting the “Waqf by User” principle – a crucial safeguard for undocumented Waqf properties. The amendment says that Waqf properties registered before the enactment of the new law will remain so unless disputed or claimed by the government. This leaves a dangerous loophole: by simply declaring a property “disputed” or as “government land,” its Waqf status can be nullified.
The TDP also suggested replacing district collectors with senior state-appointed officials for Waqf inquiries. But since this is optional, BJP-run states can easily avoid implementing it. Another amendment gave an extension of six months for digitising records – hardly a significant concession.
JD(U)’s suggestion that land remains a state subject and should not be interfered with by the Centre was also accepted, as was its proposal that registered Waqf properties should not be affected retrospectively. However, these proposals are superficial. Registered Waqf properties were never at risk; the real danger lies in properties yet to be registered due to complex historical reasons. Excluding these from protection defeats the purpose of the legislation.
This entire episode reflects the BJP’s political compulsion. Previously, the party never entertained opposition voices – recall how Shiv Sena’s ministerial demand was bluntly rejected, and a leader was swiftly absorbed into the BJP to bypass resistance. But times have changed. The current BJP lacks a majority and must now compromise.
Despite trying to maintain a facade of strength through provocative speeches by figures like Yogi Adityanath and Amit Shah, the truth is that Modi 3.0 is far weaker than its predecessors. The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, though passed, stands as a symbol of this fragility – an attempt to mask political helplessness with performative toughness.
As the poet SaifuddinSaif once said:“Gham-e-dilkisī se chhupānāpadegā, / Ghaṛī do ghaṛīmuskurānāpadegā.”(We’ll have to hide our sorrows from the world, / And put on a smile for a while.)