Journalist and author Dayashankar Mishra has recently published Akhlaq: Bharat Mein Mob Lynching Ki VistritZameeniPadtaal, a Hindi book based on extensive fieldwork on mob lynching. The book argues that mob lynching is not simply a spontaneous expression of public anger, but is often organised and carried out systematically. The subject raises important questions about democracy, the Constitution, minority rights, and the role of both ruling and opposition parties. It also examines the role of the mainstream media, which is widely seen as a watchdog of democracy. In an interview conducted by Abhay Kumar, the author discusses the wider political and social dimensions of mob lynching and the process of writing the book. The following is an excerpt from the interview.
What inspired you to take up mob lynching as the central theme of your book? Would you also like to mention the names of some of your colleagues, supporters, and sympathisers who encouraged or assisted you in this project?
Dayashankar Mishra: My book is not merely the story of Mohammad Akhlaq, who was a victim of mob lynching in Dadri, Uttar Pradesh. Rather, the book discusses several cases of mob lynching to show a pattern. But yes, the case of Akhlaq represents all those who have been victims or are being persecuted and killed across India. I would contend that, in the known history of India, there has been no such trend of lynching of citizens. The book also examines in detail the mob lynching of Inspector Subodh Kumar Singh, who was performing his duty in uniform, as well as the lynching of 19-year-old Aryan Mishra.
The real danger is not mob lynching, but the silence that follows. Our society, literary and journalistic circles, and the government have largely remained silent. We had never before seen the Indian media encourage mobs or provoke violence in the way we have witnessed in incidents of mob lynching. Even during the Gujarat riots in 2002, it is true that the local media propagated communal frenzy, but the national media in Delhi, on the other hand, followed a different approach. But since 2014, the Gujarat model of the media has gradually been implemented across the country. Hindutva forces have made statements in the media to justify such violence. The BJP and organisations affiliated with the RSS have supported the violence carried out by the Bajrang Dal and other such groups.
These are some of the major reasons behind the publication of this book. However, writing this book was not an easy task. The proposal for this book was rejected by various publications. But I am grateful to the Thakur Family Foundation, whose support made it possible to complete the book. I would especially like to mention the contribution of my friend Dinesh Thakur, author of the acclaimed book The Truth Pill: The Myth of Drug Regulation in India, to the completion of this work. He continued to give me his time and was always willing to listen to even my smallest concerns. The book could not have been completed without the support of senior journalist Raju Parulekar, Maharashtra-based historian Sarfaraz Ahmad, Amiya Pandav from Odisha, and Professor Manish Doshi from Gujarat. Several other friends also contributed to the making of this book, but given the present circumstances, they do not wish their names to be acknowledged.
How much time did you spend completing this book? How difficult,or easy,was this project for you, particularly given the sensitive nature of the subject and the fieldwork involved?
Dayashankar Mishra: Writing this book was an extremely painful journey. As I worked on it, I witnessed the helpless tears of people who had suffered violence, injustice and oppression – not only Muslims, but also Christians and Dalits – at the hands of a powerful and oppressive system. For several months, I simply could not figure out in what words I should record this suffering. My words almost failed me. All that floated in my mind were tears. It took nearly three years to complete the book. Mob lynching is an extremely sensitive subject. The victims are caught in a vicious cycle of administrative action, bulldozers and repression. For the families of those who have lost their lives, expressing their pain is an immensely difficult task. It is like reopening the wounds of grief, suffering, torture and oppression. For this, there has to be a bridge of trust between the author and the victims and their families.
The continuous spread of hatred and disinformation against Muslims by the media has made the work of every journalist difficult. The book is entirely based on ground-level research, and I have conducted extensive fieldwork. We spent considerable time travelling to different parts of the country, including Maharashtra, Odisha, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. The suffering and tears documented in the book do not belong only to those with whom we spoke; they represent the pain of the millions of people whom we could not reach. Moreover, this is a study of the violence that has emerged from the decline of civic consciousness and reason in India, and from the growing threat of communalism. It is much like the way we witness, understand and experience the devastation caused by earthquakes and floods. This book seeks to examine communal violence in its wider social and political context.
You have been a journalist for a long time, well before the rise of the Narendra Modi-led BJP government. While reading your book, one gets the impression that the media became increasingly indifferent to the issues and concerns of Muslims after the rise of Modi, apart from also becoming an important medium for spreading communal discourse. However, the mainstream media was also criticised for its bias against Dalits, Adivasis, lower castes, and minorities, including Muslims, even before 2014.
Dayashankar Mishra: The mainstream media has become an extension of the IT cell of the BJP. There has never been an ideal era of journalism in India. Even so, before 2014, the media had never remained so submissive before the government for such a long period. Earlier, the media was criticised for inadequate coverage, for ignoring the concerns of Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims, and for its prejudices. But when had we ever seen the media playing such an active role in spreading hatred and disinformation?
Today, the media has abandoned the basic principles of journalism. It is no longer merely singing the praises of those in power; it has also positioned itself against the people while acting in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution. The biggest difference between the role of the media before and after 2014 can be seen in its departure from constitutional values, its strong support for the idea of a Hindu Rashtra, and its role as a propagandist partner of the government.
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