Shift from Kemalism to post-Kemalism is aimed at protecting social peace and political stability, asserts DR. ARSHI KHAN
Sixteenth general elections (on 12 June 2011) in Turkey and the pattern of voting and the trend of electoral verdict since 2002 indicate the public endorsement of a shift towards a new post-Kemalist era. The highest turnout of 87 per cent and 49.8 per cent votes for the ruling party – Justice and Development Party (AKP) clearly shows a change of mind for a new Turkey. This democratic experiment has legitimised the right of the people over the ‘privileged’ with the tacit rejection of the ‘absolute’ nature of powers and positions of the Turkish military. The poll also signifies the emergence of two-party system, political stability, strong government and wealthy Turkey.
ARMY NOT ABSOLUTE
However, the poll verdict should not be read as a kind of civilian coup against the two branches of the government but in reality there is an emerging role of the parliamentary forces vis-à-vis the Kemalist institutions. In other words, this Turkish poll is an advance step towards a balanced government with justified jurisdictions and autonomy in its respective spheres. As a result, on June 17, the top Turkish soldier İlker Başbuğ spoke on the autonomy of the army and harmonious relationship with the civilian authority. The main Kemalist rival – Republican People’s Party (CHP) which secured 25.8 per cent of votes, has also not rejected the main demand of the AKP for constitutional reforms.
Not only the AKP but also the CHP are against Article 35 of the Turkish military’s Internal Service Law, which currently describes the task of the Armed Forces as “to watch over and protect the Turkish country and the Turkish Republic designated by the Constitution.” Turkey experienced military coups in 1960, 1971 and 1980. In addition, the military pressured the governing coalition to step down in 1997 but did not seize power itself. Coup leaders in both 1971 and 1980 referred to Article 35 as a justification for their actions, saying the coups were part of their lawful duty to protect the country.
CERTAIN MISPERCEPTIONS
Wrongful views were developed against the AKP as a threat to the Republic and Kemalism but on various occasions, the AKP leader and the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has defended the dignity, powers and honour of the military. Soon after the verdict he withdrew the accusations of libel and slander against some politicians and journalists. On the other hand, he is against the monopolisation of powers either by judiciary or the military as it contradicts the division of powers and the doctrine of checks and balance.
After the poll, Erdoğan has said to accommodate all without prejudice to anyone and he hinted at the constitutional reforms resulting in a new constitution fully prepared by the civilians and for the civilians. The AKP is not like any other rightist or fascist party in different parts of world as it believes in ‘harmonisation’ between civilian and military, judiciary and civil society, Turks and minorities, as well as between European Union Laws and Turkish Constitution. In fact, the AKP is the main driving force behind the change taking place as a dialectical advance towards democracy for reaching out to the EU standards which require major constitutional reforms.
BETTER THAN EUROPE
Turkey is a Developed Country. Since 2002, it has changed in expanding the frame of freedom of expression, press, freedom of civilian authorities, accountable army, independent judiciary, rights for minorities, workers and citizens. Turkey has already improved relations with Armenia, Greece and others and it is willing to address the problems of the Kurdish community. The drive for change is neither focused on misusing religion nor antagonising the military but for economic pursuits. The AKP is known for building dams, industries, wealth while CHP worried about the Kemalist ideology. In the economic sphere, Turkey is ahead of Europe.
The growth rate last year was nearly 9 per cent, the second highest among G-20 nations after China. As the world’s 16th largest economy, it ranks sixth largest economy of Europe with industrial goods amounting to over 90% of its exports. Looking at these potentials, Turkey is in its advance stage in becoming the member of the European fraternity. Since its economic slump in 2001, Erdogan’s economic reforms are more than that of 70 years.
AKP manifesto seeks Turkey to be one of the world’s top ten economies in 2023, with a tripling of its GDP to US$ 2trillion, reducing the unemployment rate by 5% (half of the current) and increasing an average income per capita at US$ 25,000 (about twice the current). An exclusive policy is the US$ 40,000 interest-free loan for newly married couples. It seeks to increase the female labour force participation from 27 to 35% by 2023. One of the concrete measures to reach this (perhaps rather modest for a country aiming to become one of world’s top ten economies) target is to implement a “child care and education incentive for women who send their children to daycare centres.” It also includes projects to have an indigenous defence industry, to produce air planes all built in Turkey, the launch of national space programme and a third international airport in Istanbul.
Economic growth in Turkey is at present +8.9 per cent while the highest in one of the European countries – Germany is +3.6%. In private consumer spending, Turkey scores the percentage of +6.8 while the highest in Europe – France +1.5. Its national debt as percentage of GDP is 41.2 while of Germany is 83.2, France 81.7, Italy 119, Spain 61.1 and above all EU 27 is 80.2 per cent. In the field of unemployment rate, Turkey stands at 10.7 while in Spain it is 20.1 and in over all EU 27 it is 9.6.
TOWARDS POST-KEMALISM
This is to recall that the poll campaign focused on economic and other secular issues rather than creating social or religious conflicts. Shift from Kemalism to post-Kemalism is aimed at protecting social peace and political stability. It is also important to note that Turkish democracy became more inclusive after the Kurdish representatives made their better presence in parliament. Erdoğan has said that his government would “embrace everyone, whether they voted for the AKP or not”.
On the question of constitutional changes, he will sit and talk, and we will have dialogue with the political parties outside the Parliament, nongovernmental organisations and associations. He prefers a liberal constitution in which the east, the west, the north and the south will find themselves. This new constitution will be addressed to every single individual in Turkey. This constitution will focus on peace. This constitution will be the constitution of the Kurd, of Turkmen people, of Alevis, of all minorities, which means all 74 million people. This constitution will be for fraternity, for sharing, for unity and solidarity.
[DR. ARSHI KHAN is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, UP, INDIA]