In Seemanchal, Bihar, the incomplete Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) Centre in Kishanganj stands as both a symbol of hope and frustration. Established in 2011 with great expectations, the AMU Kishanganj campus was meant to be a transformative project for one of India’s most educationally backward regions. Yet, more than a decade later, it remains confined to temporary buildings, offering only one functional course.
The campus has been languishing for want of funds, bureaucratic bottlenecks and political neglect. This chronic delay has reignited demands for urgent government intervention and become a rallying point for development politics in eastern Bihar.
The project was announced as part of a broader national initiative to expand higher education access among underrepresented communities, particularly Muslims, following recommendations by the Ministry of Human Resource Development. In 2013-14, the then UPA government approved ₹136.82 crore for the project, and the Bihar government allotted 224.02 acres of land at Chakla village near Kishanganj for the campus.
A foundation stone was laid amid optimism that the institution would replicate the academic excellence and inclusivity that AMU represents. However, the project soon ran into roadblocks – only about ₹10 crore of the sanctioned amount was ever released, while the remaining ₹120 crore and subsequent allocations remain frozen.
Environmental and regulatory issues further delayed progress, with the NGT raising concerns over the site’s proximity to the flood-prone Mahananda river. Consequently, the centre continues to function out of makeshift premises at Halim Chowk, operating with minimal staff and skeletal infrastructure.
At the forefront of the movement to revive the AMU Centre is Mohammad Jawed, the Congress MP from Kishanganj. Representing one of Bihar’s most neglected districts, Jawed has made the issue central to his political agenda.
Jawed said in a parliamentary speech, “The AMU Centre was a ray of hope for our youth, but seven years after it was proposed, it is on the verge of closure for lack of funds.”
He has repeatedly written to the Prime Minister and Ministers of Education, Finance, and Home, urging them to release the remaining funds and expedite construction. He even staged a symbolic protest at Parliament, holding a placard that read: “Release Funds, Save AMU Centre Kishanganj.”
His argument is rooted in the region’s severe educational deficit. Kishanganj has only six government colleges, and seven of its 11 blocks have none. “If AMU can function in Aligarh or Murshidabad, why can’t the same dream be realised in Kishanganj?” he asks.
While Kishanganj’s 60% Muslim population often draws attention, Jawed insists the demand for the AMU Centre transcends communal lines. “This is not a Hindu-Muslim issue. If AMU’s name is a problem, let the government open a BHU Centre insteadbut give our youth the opportunity to study,” he said.
Indeed, Seemanchal’s backwardness is not confined to any one community. The entire region has suffered decades of policy neglect. Despite its fertile land and potential, it continues to lag behind in almost every human development index – education, healthcare, employment, and infrastructure.
A 2017 study titled “Status of Muslim Youth in Bihar”, commissioned by the UN Population Fund, painted a grim picture of literacy rates in Seemanchal. Muslim literacy in Araria stood at 48.3%, in Purnea at 43.1%, in Katihar at 45.6%, and in Kishanganj at 53.1% – all far below India’s national average literacy rate of 77.7% (National Statistical Commission, 2018). These figures reveal not only a religious gap but a regional crisis of education.
During his campaign in Bihar, SP president Akhilesh Yadav reiterated support for the project, aligning it with his PDA (Pichhda, Dalit, Alpsankhyak) plank that also includes women and upper castes. “Education must reach the last person in society. The AMU Kishanganj Centre represents that vision of inclusive growth,” said SP leader Salim, the great-grandson of Lady Anees Imam, an eminent pre-Independence figure from Bihar.
AIMIM’sAkhtarul Iman has demanded that the Centre either revive AMU Kishanganj or establish a comparable central university to address the region’s educational crisis.
Much of the project’s stagnation stems from administrative paralysis and lack of coordination between the Centre, the Bihar government, and AMU authorities. Though the state government completed land transfer and promised support, the central government’s failure to release the remaining sanctioned funds has left the project stranded. Simultaneously, environmental clearance delays and absence of manpower approvals have compounded the crisis.
According to official documents, 29 teaching and 19 non-teaching posts proposed for the centre are yet to be filled. The UGC and the Ministry of Education have not provided clear timelines for future funding.
As a result, AMU Kishanganj operates with minimal academic activity, its temporary classrooms unable to accommodate even a fraction of the students who seek admission. What was meant to be a regional hub of opportunity has become a symbol of bureaucratic inertia.
Jawed also noted that the government’s promise of establishing a medical college in every district remains unfulfilled for Kishanganj. “When the second AIIMS was proposed for Bihar, Kishanganj offered 200 acres of land, but the proposal was ignored. We will continue to demand an AIIMS and a fully functional AMU campus,” he said.
For Jawed, the AMU Kishanganj Centre has become more than an educational issue; it is a political litmus test for development justice in Bihar. By framing the demand in developmental and rights-based terms, Jawed seeks to unite all sections of the population under a shared vision of progress.
For opposition parties such as SP and AIMIM, it serves as an emblem of governmental neglect and a mobilising issue for elections. Meanwhile, the ruling parties at the Centre and in Biharface mounting pressure to deliver tangible results.
Experts and local leaders suggest a roadmap to finally realise the AMU Kishanganj dream:
- Immediate Fund Release: The Centre must release the remaining ₹120 crore and commit to full financial backing for construction and infrastructure.
- Manpower Deployment: Teaching and non-teaching staff positions should be filled to ensure academic stability.
- Resolve Environmental Issues: The NGT should fast-track the environmental clearance process, with the state ensuring compliance and flood-mitigation measures.
- Joint Monitoring Committee: A coordination body involving AMU authorities, the local MP, and state and central officials could monitor timelines and progress.
- Local Outreach: Admissions, scholarships, and career counselling programmes should prioritise first-generation learners, particularly women.
Implementing these measures would not only fulfil a long-pending promise but also catalyse development across the Seemanchal belt.
The demand for the AMU Kishanganj Centre is ultimately about inclusion, dignity, and opportunity. “If this Centre becomes operational, it will benefit everyone – Hindus, Muslims, Dalits, and all communities alike,” Jawed insists. “Education is the foundation of progress. Denying it to Seemanchal is denying justice.”
The story of the AMU Kishanganj Centre is, therefore, not just about a university’s unfinished campus; it is about India’s unfinished promise to its peripheries. A decade after its foundation stone was laid, the region still waits for that promise to materialise. Whether the renewed political attention can finally turn words into action remains to be seen.