Condition of Biharis in Bangladesh A Brief Report Submitted to JP in 1972

After the creation of Bangladesh, Jaiprakash Narain (JP) wanted to visit it and study the post-liberation state, particularly with regard to the reported turmoil there. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, instead, advised him to send a team of his close associates. A delegation of A.B. Shanti Sena, a Gandhian outfit, was formed comprising, besides others, Mr. Abdul Qaiyum Asar, a close associate of JP. Mr. Asar, who is no more now, wrote the following report after the visit and submitted to JP. This report, made available to Radiance Viewsweekly by his sons Dr. Waquar Anwar and Dr. Mazhar Qaiyum, is being published here in order to remind our readers of one chapter of history, viz. the trials and tribulations suffered by the Bihari migrants in Bangladesh. Their trials included looting of properties and killing and abduction of women on a mass scale. At this stage when the Sheikh Hasina Wajed government has opened the window of past happenings in that country, is there anybody to ask about the injustices done to this lot of people? Will anybody be booked and hanged for this crime against humanity?

I was provided with an opportunity to visit Bangladesh as one of the members of the delegation sent by A.B. Shanti Sena Mandal. The delegation was assigned to study and report back on certain problems which had cropped up after the sovereign Bangladesh emerged on the world map – problems which have direct bearing upon our sub-continent. The delegation has since returned after visiting certain places in Bangladesh where the members have seen things with their own eyes and have observed and studied the things as they stand now.

Being a member of the delegation I visited Khulna, Khalishpur, Dacca, Mohammedpur, Ishardih and Baidpur in particular and numerous other places on way in general.

I would like to place here my points as briefly as possible.

KHULNA

It is the third city in Bangladesh. I visited a non-Bengali (Bihari) refugee camp here lodged in Jinnah Mosque, 64 Down Road, Khulna.

There were 4,731 refugees with 1,893 males and 2,838 females. These refugees are from Jessore, Kushtia, Nawab Para, Khalishpur and other neighbouring areas.

These refugees left their homes after the air raid by the Indian Army. Later on they found their homes demolished by the anti-Bihari elements in the area.

The relief work is being operated by the Bangladesh Red Cross. But this relief is so insignificant that they get 2 monds and 10 sers of wheat on alternate days for all the refugees totalling 4,731 persons.

It is a point to be noted specially that this is the only place in Bangladesh where the local Bengalis are contributing their might to meet the possible requirements of these refugees.

The reason for this unique phenomenon, I think, is that this area is overwhelmingly populated by the West Bengali migrants. Besides, it was never a riot-affected area during the turbulent period after March, 1971.

There is a good number of Biharis in Khulna town living in their homes but they have been rendered jobless and hence their condition is pitiable.

KHALISHPUR

Khalishpur is an important industrial town with various jute and paper industries. It is very close to Khulna and is situated on the bank of river Bhairab.

Almost the entire population of the Biharis are living like refugees.

The table indicates the real picture of the refugees in Khalishpur.

The Biharis who have come from outside Khulna district and now are living in the refugee camps at Khalishpur are also in considerable number.

The following table gives a clear picture:

There are altogether 8 refugee camps in Khalishpur.

The number of widows, orphans and the old is as under:

All the refugee camps are managed by Bangladesh Red Cross.

Unlike in Khulna refugee camp, here at Khalishpur most of the local Bengali population is not sympathetic to the refugees (Biharis) rather they indulge in abducting women and committing other social vices.

It is to be noted here that a section of the Bengalis belonging to the National Awami Party (NAP) is quite sympathetic to the Bihari refugees. But such Bengalis are small in number and hence ineffective.

As soon as the Indian Army left the place on 10.3.1971 serious riot broke out taking the toll of over two thousand lives of Biharis. Since then tension between the Bengali and non-Bengali is existing.

Most the rioters were Bengali industrial workers.

Industrial concerns in general are closed. Very few Biharis, who were considered to be indispensable, were taken back in their job. Others have not been taken back in their jobs. The number of Biharis taken back in their job is insignificant.

DACCA
Apparently the condition of Dacca is not far from normal. The law and order seems to be under control but a deeper probe reveals something different. An important Constituent Assembly member told me that Dhanmandi, a small posh area of Dacca and now inhabited by Bengalis only, was ravaged and looted several times by Bengali miscreants; and its looks even now the situation on the ground testifies the statement of the said member.

I visited the much talked about Mohammedpur, virtually a part of Dacca city. The condition of this colony is pitiable. The colony is divided in three watertight compartments:

1. Area inhabited by middle class Bengalis.
2. Area inhabited by middle and lower class Biharis.
3. Area inhabited by upper middle class Bengalis. There is also a small belt in between the above mentioned parts occupied by the Bengali miscreants who have taken adverse possession of the houses which belonged to Biharis.

There are as many as five refugee camps. The management of the camps is under the supervision of BDRC. There are about 36,000 Bihari refugees here, who get very insufficient and extremely inadequate supply of food, not to say of any medical care whatsoever. The people residing in their houses are not getting any sort of help although they have no source of income and are virtually pauper. The entire colony is terror-stricken. People barely come out of their houses. Dusk-to-dawn curfew has been imposed in the entire colony for a considerable time.

The police are confronted with two problems. First, the people have no courage to report their troubles and difficulties. Secondly, the miscreants are fully armed.

There have been many cases of young men being taken away by the Bengali miscreants on one pretext or the other; these young men never return. Some of them were seen in jails while others were traceless.

The entire Bihari population has been forced out of work without any provision to keep them alive. I wonder how long this state of affairs will be allowed to continue.

The entire Bihari colony looks like a concentration camp though without any barbed wire to be seen.

ISHARDIH

Ishardih is an important broad gauge rail head. A majority of railway workers were Bihari. I found a few Gujaratis, Oriyas, and even an Anglo-Indian along with a large number of Bihari refugees. The plight of these refugees is same as elsewhere. People belonging to other places have also taken refuge here in the camp.

The following table gives a clear picture of the refugees in the camps.

The total number of refugees is 21,000.

SAIDPUR

Saidpur falls in Rangpur district. It is predominantly a non-Bengali colony. It has a big broad gauge railway workshop employing about 5,000 workers. A majority of them are Biharis. The workshop has since opened. About 10% of indispensable Bihari technicians have been allowed to join their duties.

Before March 1971 the population figure was about 80,000 but now it mounted up to 4 or 5 lakh due to the concentration of refugees from outside. Rest of the refugees are in subhuman conditions – in Jute go-downs, passenger-carriages, open rail wagons, railway goods shade, and under the open sky.

I found veiled ladies in great numbers everywhere in Saidpur begging alms. The figure of widows and orphans as given by an Awami League leader is about 40,000.

Despite the best efforts of the International Red Cross, COHR, CASITAS, and OMEGA relief measures, the general condition of refugees is far from satisfaction. Nearly half of the refugees have not been able to get relief from any quarters. It is surprising to note that only one doctor and two nurses provided by the British Red Cross are taking care of the whole lot.

I have seen a big open market where Biharis were selling their used housewares.

Looking at the genesis of the problems and the present social, economic and political instability in Bangladesh, one naturally thinks of the Bangladesh government and its administrative capabilities to tackle the problems.

Bangladesh politics is originally a student and trade union oriented politics. The significance of students and trade unions in shaping the political trends of the country is obvious from the activities of the students and industrial workers which can be observed anywhere now in Bangladesh.

The students and trade unions not only operate their organisations but are considerably influential in different political parties also.

Above all it was the force of the youth which acted courageously and faced the brutality of the Pak military operation, as Mukti Bahini and other Bahinis men gave a tough fight against the Pak ruler and finally got their motherland liberated.

So every political party and leader is aware of the potentiality of the youth force. The parties can hardly dare to go against the will and the programmes of the youth in whatever form it comes out.

Awami League’s overwhelming victory in the 1970 election gave a general impression of the party’s influence over the Bangladesh masses. 98 per cent of the votes secured by the party speak very much of its strength.

But after the liberation, the Awami League’s grip over the people of Bangladesh was affected by the emergence of new political forces and revival of some of the isolated political parties and with the rise of some of the important political leaders, who were side-tracked by the Awami League in 1970 elections. This happened because of the honest and unconditional participation of all shades of people and parties in a common cause of liberation of their motherland.

What I want to say is that various political forces are operating there with their own programmes and strategies and they are considerably gaining grounds in the politics of this new born country. Consequently, the administration is getting weaker, and the Awami League government is facing hard tasks in confrontation with many odds. A sort of political anarchy is heading towards many problems, creating difficulties in the way of social and administrative stability which the present government claims to aim at.

So far as the administration and the Biharis’ problems are concerned, the authorities are callous and indifferent to the problems. Let me illustrate with one example. Mr. David Ennels, leader of the U.K. delegation, asked a cabinet minister in Bangladesh government about the relief work being operated in Mohammedpur and Mirpur areas. Mr. David was surprised to know that the honourable minister could not get time even to think of the problem not to speak of visiting the areas.

SUGGESTIONS

1. Social and economic rehabilitation of the Biharis in Bangladesh.
2. Reclamation of the abducted women and their rehabilitation.
3. Creation of an institution for the upkeep of widows and orphans.
4. Free flow of intercontinental traffic to iron out psychological indifference and to foster good understanding.
5. A team of Gandhian workers to be sent to Bangladesh to work in collaboration with their counterparts and likeminded Bengalis in Bangladesh.
6. If possible, a socio-psychological study of the behaviour and attitude of a sample of various shades of people (Bengalis and non-Bengalis both) including political leaders and social workers be made, for the implications of the plannings and programmes with scientific factors.